Exclusive: Inside The Massive PRC Intelligence Machine Working On US Soil

Former CIA Analyst Nick Eftimiades Briefed Security Experts on His New Book, Which Draws New Insights From Nearly 900 Cases, Including Linda Sun, Who Worked for Two State Governors

WASHINGTON — China’s espionage operations in the U.S. have expanded dramatically in scale, sophistication, and reach, leveraging a vast intelligence network of state-backed operatives, business proxies, and non-traditional collectors. This sprawling effort marks one of the most audacious challenges to U.S. national security in a generation, especially as some analysts warn that Beijing and Washington could be hurtling toward military conflicts involving Taiwan and Japan.

Former CIA analyst Nicholas Eftimiades, a leading expert on China’s intelligence operations, has compiled one of the most extensive databases of Chinese espionage cases—855 in total—offering an unparalleled look into Beijing’s efforts to infiltrate key American institutions. Known for his meticulous research and deep intelligence contacts, Eftimiades provides a rare glimpse into the methods and scale of an ever-expanding Chinese spy apparatus.

Eftimiades, who has served in the CIA, Defense Intelligence Agency, and State Department, and is now a senior fellow at the Atlantic Council, briefed a select group of North American experts, including The Bureau, on Thursday about his upcoming book, which follows his previous works including Chinese Espionage Operations and Tactics.

“What we see across the board is a vast intelligence machine operating on U.S. soil, using state agencies, private enterprises, and even NGOs as collection platforms,” Eftimiades said.

According to his research, the Ministry of State Security (MSS) accounts for half of China’s espionage cases, while the People’s Liberation Army (PLA) handles almost 30 percent, with the remainder conducted through state-owned enterprises, universities, front companies, and “non-traditional” collectors. “They’re leveraging not just official state agencies but businesspeople, universities, and diaspora networks,” he said, adding that China’s United Front Work Department has rapidly expanded its intelligence and influence operations in North America.

Increasingly, Beijing is targeting overseas Chinese for recruitment, both in person and online, Eftimiades said, assessing backgrounds, professional access, and technological expertise to identify potential assets with access to sensitive information and critical systems coveted by China’s intelligence services.

These tactics underscore Beijing’s willingness to blur the lines between state and civilian entities, raising questions about where commerce ends and spying begins.

Case Study 1: Linda Sun’s Political Influence Operations

One of the most striking cases is that of Linda Sun, a high-level political operative in New York, who for over a decade covertly advanced PRC interests within the state government. According to intelligence assessments, Sun was recruited under Beijing’s United Front Work Department apparatus and operated under the direction of PRC diplomats, including Consul General Huang Ping, and several other Chinese officials stationed in New York.

Sun embedded herself at the highest levels of state governance, shaping legislation and diplomatic engagements to align with Beijing’s agenda.

“She worked at the direct request of PRC officials, ensuring that New York’s policies aligned with Beijing’s priorities,” Eftimiades explained. Sun allegedly manipulated policy positions on human rights, suppressed Taiwan-related initiatives, and facilitated economic deals benefiting Chinese officials. One of her primary tactics was blocking communication between Taiwan representatives and New York state officials.

“She would shut it off and say, ‘Tell them the governor’s too busy for this,’” Eftimiades said. “Taiwan officials couldn’t get any type of access because it would ultimately go to her, and she would shut it down.”

Investigators also revealed that Sun’s husband, Chris Hu, received millions in preferential business contracts from Henan provincial officials in exchange for her influence over policy. Sun and Hu allegedly laundered the money through family members and used NGOs as ‘cut-outs’ to funnel funds for PRC-backed initiatives.

“This is a very old form of tradecraft for Chinese intelligence,” Eftimiades noted. “They didn’t pay her in cash, but they made sure her husband’s businesses thrived through PRC-linked deals.” The couple owned multimillion-dollar properties in New York and Hawaii, all linked to these financial benefits.

Additionally, Sun arranged for PRC officials to covertly listen in on high-level state policy discussions, allowing Beijing to gain direct insight into sensitive U.S. government matters. She also forged Governor Kathy Hochul’s signature on official documents, inviting PRC trade delegations into New York without state authorization.

An intricate chart documenting Sun’s network of influence shows her deep ties to PRC intelligence, United Front-connected business elites, and senior officials in the New York state government.

The Bureau asked Eftimiades whether similar operations could be recognized in Canada, referencing intelligence indicating that a staffer in the Trudeau government was allegedly blocking Taiwan’s engagement in the Toronto area.

“Yes, I have seen that modus operandi, not only in Canada but in Sweden, in France, in Belgium, and in a number of other places,” Eftimiades confirmed.

Case Study 2: The Huawei 5G Espionage Scandal

Dov Goldstein, an engineer at Denmark’s TDC telecommunications company, was implicated in a high-stakes industrial espionage operation benefiting China’s Huawei. In 2019, TDC was evaluating competing bids from Huawei and Ericsson for its 5G network contract, a deal worth billions.

Investigators discovered that Goldstein, who was not among the six authorized individuals with access to the bids, had secretly met with Huawei representatives multiple times. Phone records revealed a 4.5-hour conversation with Yang Lan, Huawei’s country manager, the day after Huawei submitted its bid. Shortly before TDC planned to choose Ericsson, Goldstein met with Huawei officials again; mere hours later, Huawei submitted an eleventh-hour revised bid.

A forensic analysis of Goldstein’s laptop uncovered evidence that he had accessed and viewed Ericsson’s final offer before his meeting with Huawei officials. CCTV footage captured him carrying his laptop into the meeting. Investigators also discovered that a drone had been used to surveil TDC executives as they discussed the contract.

“There was a lot of evidence that Huawei was collecting,” Eftimiades stated. “And when Denmark ultimately awarded the contract to Ericsson, the Chinese embassy sent a threatening letter.”

Case Study 3: The Navy Espionage Network—Jinchao Wei

In a troubling sign of China’s growing recruitment of U.S. military personnel, U.S. Navy sailor Jinchao (Patrick) Wei was caught passing sensitive information to PRC intelligence between 2022 and 2023.

Wei, who was recruited online by PRC intelligence, focused on gathering fleet movements, technical weapons systems, and Marine Corps exercises. His mother, who lived in Wisconsin, allegedly encouraged him to spy, promising that it could lead to a lucrative job in China. Wei confided in a fellow sailor that he was being recruited for “quite obviously espionage” by Chinese intelligence. Remarkably, at the same time he was engaging in espionage, he was granted U.S. citizenship—a fact that was celebrated by his PRC handler.

“What an achievement for them,” Eftimiades said.

Case Study 4: The WeChat Spy—Wenheng Zhao

Wenheng (Thomas) Zhao, another U.S. Navy sailor, was recruited through a Chinese WeChat stock investment group and maintained encrypted communications with his handler. His intelligence contributions included detailed plans of U.S. naval force movements, operational orders for military training exercises, and blueprints for sensitive radar systems in Okinawa, Japan.

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