If
you want to know the deep values that drive someone, sometimes you have
to look at who they admire, who they throw under the bus and who they
refuse to unreservedly condemn. For the French far-left firebrand Jean-Luc Mélenchon,
it should by now be clear. After all, the head of the leftwing
opposition alliance has been in politics for four decades, and a senator
since 1986. He stood as a radical left alternative to Emmanuel Macron
and Marine Le Pen in the 2022 presidential elections
and almost got through to the second round. But while Mélenchon may
have attracted many young voters to his campaign, he is no Bernie
Sanders: his refusal to evolve from cold war-era reflexive
anti-Americanism and his desire to pursue a “revolutionary” brand of
opposition have dragged the French left into unelectability and moral
confusion.
Or take his record on Vladimir Putin,
which is arguably worse – even if he publicly moderated some of his
former positions following Russia’s full-scale invasion of Ukraine.
Nevertheless, what preceded the first major European war in a generation
is telling. For Mélenchon, Putin’s illegal annexation of Crimea was not
just understandable, but laudable. “Evidently Crimea is ‘lost’ for
Nato. That’s good news,” he wrote on his blog in March 2014. Subsequently, Putin was someone to ally with in Syria. And during the 2017 French electoral campaign, it was American “propaganda” to consider Russia “a threat”.
Even in the daysbefore Putin launched his
devastating war, Mélenchon offered consistent obfuscations and excuses
for Russia: that it was really just all Nato’s fault, or that the US “must not annex Ukraine into Nato” (countries request to join Nato, by the way; not a single member of the alliance has been “annexed” by it).
Unable to drive France out of Nato and into a “Bolivarian alliance” with Russia and Venezuela, Mélenchon coaxed the rest of the French left into falling in line behind him in an umbrella alliance
– the Nupes. This alliance, forged ahead of the 2022 parliamentary
elections, was always one of political expediency rather than ideology.
Neither Yannick Jadot, a former Greens presidential candidate, nor Paris
mayor Anne Hidalgo, of the flagging Socialist party, nor Raphaël
Glucksmann, founder of the centre-left Place Publique, share his
fondness for autocrats, or other elements of La France Insoumise (LFI)’s
policy platform. The Greens are pro-European to Mélenchon’s Europhobia (and, frankly, Germanophobia).
What might ultimately undo Mélenchon, though, is the perceived ambiguity of his reaction to the bloody events in Israel on 7 October. The 1,400 victims
of Hamas included a pregnant woman, elderly people, students with
pro-Palestine views attending a concert for peace, children and babies.
This was a mass atrocity, a 21st-century pogrom in which more Jews were
murdered than at any time since the Holocaust. Mélenchon had days to say
that Jewish lives mattered.At best, he has “all lives matter”-ed 7 October instead.
Since
the attack, he and other prominent members of his party, LFI, have
repeatedly declined to call Hamas a terrorist group (a conclusion the EU
came to about Hamas a full 20 years ago). LFI’s initial communique on 7 October used Hamas’s own language about itself, calling the attack “an armed offensive by Palestinian forces” thatcame “in the context of the intensification by Israel of the policy of occupation of Gaza, the West Bank and East Jerusalem”.
In the midst of the backlash, Mélenchon has doubled down, lashing out at Glucksmann for voting for a European parliament resolution condemning the 7 October attack, while at the same time completely ignoring LFI deputy Danièle Obono, who called Hamas a “resistance movement” days after the details of the massacre had become widely available.
Mélenchon’s account retweeted the (now clearly false) accusation that Israel “chose to massacre families” by bombing al-Ahli Arab hospital. At the time of writing, the repost remains up despite subsequent retractions of their initial reporting from major media organisations.
And after a big pro-Palestine rally in Paris last weekend, Mélenchon posted a picture of the crowd with
the words “This is France”, before accusing the president of the
national assembly, Yaël Braun-Pivet, of “camping” out in Tel Aviv to
“encourage a massacre” in Gaza. Braun-Pivet, who happens to be Jewish,
and has been the victim of antisemitism in the past, accused Mélenchon of putting another “target on my back”.
Mélenchon later denied accusations of antisemitism, but LFI is hardly a stranger to the dogwhistle of “dual loyalties”
when it comes to French Jews. Jean-Marie Le Pen may have long held the
title of antisemite-in-chief in French politics, but antisemitism has
been present on the left, too. Mélenchon seemed unbothered by the ways
it was woven through the gilets jaunes (yellow vests) protests. Antisemitic incidents in France increased by 70% between 2020 and 2022, and it is significant that Jewish students – 90% of whom say they have experienced antisemitism during their studies – are more frightened of the far left than the far right. But the past two weeks have sent antisemitism into blatant overdrive, with more than 300 reported antisemitic incidents in France — almost as many as during the whole of 2022.
Calling
terrorism by its name and acknowledging the real suffering and danger
facing Israelis does not preclude protesting against the scale or nature
of Israel’s bombardment of Gaza, which has killed thousands of
civilians since the 7 October attacks, and its shutoff of water, food and fuel.
It doesn’t preclude condemning the tightening of the 16-year siege of
Gaza, or thinking that a ground invasion in pursuit of Hamas would be an
Iraq-style mistake that would cause many more civilian casualties
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