It was all smiles and good cheer when Emmanuel Macron greeted German Chancellor Olaf Scholz on the steps of the Elysée.
The cameras were there to show that all was well between the two leaders.
French
government spokesman Olivier Véran told reporters: "This Franco-German
engine - we've every intention of keeping it alive."
But behind the bonhomie, both sides know the EU's central relationship is under strain as rarely before.
On
a host of subjects - defence, energy, aid to business, EU expansion -
the two countries today find themselves pulling in opposite directions.
And underlying everything is a fear fast becoming an obsession in Paris.
The
French concern is that the war in Ukraine has ripped up Europe's
geostrategic rule-book, leaving Germany enhanced and pushing France to
the Western side-lines.
Symbolic
of the rift was the cancellation of what had been until now a routine
set-piece of Franco-German friendship - the regular joint meeting of the
two countries' cabinets.
After
a pause for Covid, these encounters were meant to resume at
Fontainebleau on Wednesday. But faced with a glaring lack of common
ground - as well, according to France, as the studied uninterest of
several German ministers - it was agreed to call the session off.
Mr
Scholz's arrival for a bilateral summit with the French president was
an attempt to minimise the differences, but no-one is deceived.
Lamenting
what it called the "glacial" state of cross-Rhine relations, Le Figaro
newspaper said in an editorial that it was "the result of a profound
geostrategic change - a continental shift that started a long time ago
and which is destined to transform the face of Europe".
The
essence of this shift - according to French analysts - is the awakening
of the slumbering giant that is Germany, and its dawning realisation
that it must shift for itself in an increasingly dangerous
neighbourhood.
For
France this is bad news because it casts doubt on a central assumption
of the last half century: that by walking lockstep with Germany, France
can not just restrain its richer and stronger neighbour, but also
project its own vision of European unity.
With almost masochistic relish, French commentators have taken to
listing the ways in which Berlin has lately chosen to go its own way
rather than find an accord with Paris.
On
re-arming, Germany has shown a clear preference for US kit - like F-35
fighter jets and Patriot air-defence systems - and seems content to
leave once-vaunted European defence initiatives on hold.
Stung
by criticism that it was suckered by Russia's Vladimir Putin, Germany
appears anxious to reassure its eastern neighbours by promoting itself
as the European arm of Nato, rather than - as France would like it - a
partner in EU defence.
On
energy, Germany is against a cap on gas prices, which France wants. It
also wants France to authorise a new pipeline to carry gas - and
eventually green hydrogen - from Spain. But France refuses.
And
then there is Germany's decision to offer €200bn (£170bn) in state aid
to businesses and households to get them through the energy crisis.
For
France this will create severe economic distortions, because other
European countries will be unable to compete with that level of subsidy.
Germans reply that France is hardly in a position to give lessons about
the iniquity of state aid.
In
an article titled "The late Franco-German couple", veteran French
commentator Nicolas Baverez said France had only itself to blame for
letting itself be eclipsed by Germany over the years.
What
has happened now with the Ukraine war, he said, merely revealed the
imbalance that was already there. "While France is content to talk about
sovereignty, Germany exercises it," he wrote.
Earlier this year the German chancellor decided to buy F35 fighter jets
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