Saturday, January 7, 2023

A Mulligan for the Supreme Court


Most weekend golfers are familiar with the term “mulligan.”  Many have probably even taken one or more.

The term was derived from an incident involving David Bernard Mulligan, a Canadian amateur golfer.  Arriving late at the course, he hit a terrible shot off the first tee.  Casually, he reached into his pocket, took out a new ball, placed it on the tee, and proceeded to take another shot.  When asked what he was doing, he replied that since his first shot was so bad, he deserved a free chance at a second shot.  This practice rapidly became known as “taking a mulligan,” and has since become part of the common vocabulary as the term for a “do-over.”

Many would argue that the Supreme Court had a terrible “first shot” in regards to the election of 2020, when they refused to become involved in the many issues raised by the Presidential election.  Perhaps the most notable of these was Texas vs. Pennsylvania, in which the State of Texas asked that Pennsylvania, Georgia, Michigan and Wisconsin not be allowed to certify their 2020 election results because changes in their election procedures made by courts, governors, and election officials violated the Constitution, which rests the power to define the “times, places, and manner” of federal elections solely in the hands of state legislatures, an argument commonly referred to as the “Independent State Legislature” (ISL) theory.

The Court refused to consider the case, not on the merits of its argument, but on a technicality, claiming that Texas had not demonstrated a “judicially cognizable interest” in the manner in which another state conducts its elections.

As a result, we have seen nearly two years of the rapid destruction of our nation, including fiscal irresponsibility that has led to staggering inflation, a steady decline in the stock market, enactment of policies that have reduced us from energy independence to a nation that must look to countries such as Venezuela and Iran to meet our basic needs and, perhaps most frightening, the politicization of the Department of Justice (including the FBI) into organizations resembling a third-world police state.

Fortunately, there are cases currently before the Supreme Court that offer them the opportunity for a “do-over.”

The most creative and far-reaching of these is Brunson v. Adams, in which a Utah man asserts that, because a substantial number of members of Congress refused to consider claims of election fraud prior to certifying the electors, they had failed their duty under their oath to protect the country from all enemies, foreign and domestic, and therefore should not only be removed from office, but disqualified from holding any future office.

Rayland Brunson, who is arguing the case by and for himself (although he is now been joined by his three brothers) contends that “When the allegations of a rigged election came forward, the Respondents had a duty under law to investigate it or be removed from office.  An honest and fair election can only be supported by legal votes, this is sacred.  It is the basis of our U.S.  Republican Form of Government protected by the U.S.  Constitution.”

Brunson suggests that the court simply order a federal marshal be dispatched to Congress to inform them that these individuals, which include the entire Democrat membership at that time (as well as such well-known Republicans as Rand Paul and Lindsay Graham) have been removed from their office, and that President Trump be reinstated.

The Court has accepted this case on an emergency basis and scheduled their first formal conference on it for Friday, January 6th.  The Brunsons have expressed their opinion that, because the scope of such an action would be so broad and controversial, such a decision would have to have been reached in total secrecy, and therefore, they leave open the possibility that the majority of the Court will simply announce its decision during this conference.

The other case is Moore v.  Harper, in which a redistricting map developed by the state legislature was rejected by a state court, which then enlisted a third party to draw a new, “fairer” map.

At issue is the interpretation of the so-called ISL theory which is based on Section Four of Article One of the Constitution which states that “The Times, Places and Manner of holding Elections for Senators and Representatives, shall be prescribed in each State by the Legislature thereof; but the Congress may at any time by Law make or alter such Regulations.”




X22, And we Know, and more- Jan 7

 



Who here is thankful this long week is over? Here's tonight's news:


The Real Biden Unsealed?

The House GOP aims to publicize Joe Biden’s Senate records at the University of Delaware and his records as vice president from the National Archives.


One of the last actions of the outgoing Democratic majority in the House of Representatives was the House Ways and Means Committee’s vote to release six years’ worth of former President Donald Trump’s tax returns. They had finally caught their white whale after more than six years of the real estate mogul turned politician refusing to disclose them. 

But like the dog that caught the car, the Democrats and their media sympathizers now are not sure what they have, nor are they sure what to do with it. So far, there has been no revelation of criminal activity, improper financial activity with Russia, or anything remotely reaching the nefarious plots of a Lex Luthor supervillain. Once again, their narrative is falling flat.

The House Republicans, meanwhile, are promising a series of investigations into the Biden Administration, various federal agencies’ response to the COVID-19 pandemic, and the FBI’s handling of the Hunter Biden laptop. But, if they wanted to grab it, there was much more low-hanging fruit. Republicans could, for example, consider the unsealing of Joe Biden’s U.S. Senate records currently stored at the University of Delaware and some of his vice presidential records held at the National Archives and Records Administration (NARA) in Washington, D.C.

In 2012, Biden “donated” his Senate records to his alma mater. At the time, it seemed like an unremarkable gesture given that he was considered to be near the end of his political career and unlikely to run for president a third time after failed bids in 1988 and 2008 and with Hillary Clinton the odds-on favorite to win the 2016 nomination. But in 2019, he announced he would be challenging Donald Trump for president, and the files became relevant again. Yet UD did not make the files public, even though, according to reports, the body of material includes 1,850 boxes of paper and 415 gigabytes of digital information. 

The only reason the issue was raised at all during the 2020 election had to do with the allegation of sexual assault against Biden made public by former congressional aide Tara Reade in April of that year. The Biden campaign maintained throughout that period that personnel files and complaints would not be contained within these records. 

Another rationale they had for denying access was that correspondence and communications within the files could be “taken out of context.” This is the equivalent of saying that a painting should not be shown in a museum because a photographer could focus on a small section and crop out the rest, presenting the smaller photo as the full painting. It is possible that no mention of the Reade complaint is contained in those records. Then again, it’s possible that hers is one of several complaints not publicly disclosed during Biden’s years in the Senate. 

Until 2018, when the #MeToo movement toppled a number of veteran lawmakers of both houses and parties, senators and members of Congress were privileged to have out-of-court legal settlements or court awards of sexual harassment claims paid for by Congress without that information being made public. In only some cases, such as that of former Rep. John Conyers (D-Mich.), did the public learn that tax money had been paid out to settle claims.

The Tara Reade accusation would not be the only reason that Biden’s Senate records could be of interest, however. As left-wing Atlantic contributor Peter Beinart wrote at the time, the records likely would shed light on a number of activities from Biden’s 36 years in office: the 1994 crime bill of which Biden was an architect, for example, or the Iraq War vote of 2002. Perhaps we could learn more about the Clarence Thomas confirmation hearings of 1991 when Anita Hill accused Thomas of sexual harassment and Biden led the opposition against him. 

But apart from some exceptions, the media has been remarkably uninterested in having these records unsealed in what can only be called a conscious shrugging of shoulders when it comes to their supposed job of informing the public about the background of their presidential candidates.

NARA has also resisted disclosing information it holds regarding Biden’s official communications during his time as vice president with his son Hunter and brother James, the official travel by these two relatives, and records concerning his involvement in their business dealings. This issue is currently tied up in litigation between the NARA and Stephen Miller’s America First Legal foundation. 

Some details of these matters have come out from Hunter Biden’s laptop and the statements of former business associate Tony Bobulinski. But the White House has continuously maintained throughout this affair that Joe Biden was unaware and uninvolved in any dealings by either his son or brother. Any revelation to the contrary through official documents from his time as vice president could damage his ability to deny involvement and separate Hunter’s legal troubles from his own. 

NARA has explained its refusal to release the records by claiming “there is no widespread and exceptional media interest in these matters.”

As the new chairman of the House Oversight Committee, Rep. James Comer(R-Ky.) has an opportunity, at a minimum, to subpoena the sealed documents at the University of Delaware and NARA as one of the first volleys of any inquiries. The Trump tax returns have set a remarkable precedent for the strength of congressional committee subpoenas in accessing the personal affairs of a president. In this case, however, the information is not private and concerns Biden’s official business while serving in the U.S. Senate and Obama Administration. Under the circumstances, the White House, the National Archives, and the University of Delaware would have a tough time denying the disclosures in the face of a congressional inquiry.




The GOP Has No Chance of Winning the White House if Trump Is Not the Nominee


The opinions expressed by contributors are their own and do not necessarily represent the views of this site.

If you’re a Republican, this theory might not be welcome. But you can take solace in the possibility that I could be dead wrong.

If former President Donald Trump is not the Republican Party’s presidential nominee for the 2024 election, they will not win the White House. Indeed, the chances of the GOP defeating the Democratic candidate are quite minuscule without the former president remaining the standard bearer.

But this is not the case because there is no other Republican candidate who would stand a favorable chance of winning in 2024. Indeed, Florida Gov. Ron DeSantis, along with the former president, has been a clear frontrunner and is highly favored by both conservative and moderate voters. Instead, it will be what happens after a DeSantis or other candidate is chosen by the base over the former president that will doom their chances of seeing another Republican in the Oval Office.

If Trump is not chosen as the nominee, it won’t be the end of his campaign. Instead, he will run as an independent, thereby spoiling Republicans’ odds of winning enough votes to defeat whomever the Democrats decide to run.

The former president caused quite a stir about a week ago when he posted a link on Truth Social to an article written for American Greatness in which author Dan Gelernter argued that this is precisely the course of action Trump should take if he loses in the primaries.

“The Republican machine has no intention of letting us choose Trump again: He is not a uniparty team player,” Gelernter wrote. “They’d rather lose an election to the Democrats, their brothers in crime, than win with Trump.”

The author indicated that while he likes DeSantis, he would “vote for him after Trump’s second term,” but “not before.”

He continued:

Here’s the thing: It is precisely the expedient view of “well, this person isn’t my first choice, but he’s the best available option who can win” which has allowed the uniparty to take over and ruin the country. We’re letting the Republicans get away with offering us a false dichotomy: A fake non-choice among candidates who are pre-selected for us. The Democrats did this themselves in 2016 when they stole the primary from Bernie Sanders.

After Trump shared the article, speculation arose as to whether mounting a third-party run would be the course of action he would pursue. Others pondered if such an endeavor could even be successful. Political analyst and professor at Florida Atlantic University Craig Agranoff told Newsweek that if a third-party presidential candidate won enough Electoral College votes to stop the two other candidates from reaching 270, it would “set a historic precedent.”

In such a scenario, the race would “be decided in the House of Representatives, where Donald Trump would possibly be victorious.”

“If Trump decides to run as an independent for the 2024 cycle, he will mainly pick-off votes from Republicans,” the professor continued. “If he can also grab some of the ‘Double Haters’ who respond to anti-establishment messaging, [it] could split the vote and also allow a Democrat to prevail or possibly shake up the two-party system which some are so hopeful will happen.”

I believe this is the most likely outcome. I do not believe that even President Trump could win the presidency by running as a third-party candidate. But there can be no doubt that he would siphon a substantial swath of conservative voters from the GOP – more than enough to ensure a Democratic victory. Even someone as well-loved as DeSantis would not be able to mitigate the damage.

Of course, there is the possibility that Trump will not decide to continue with his race if Republican voters choose another candidate in the primary elections. But given the man’s ego, it seems more likely that this is the course he will take. Love him or hate him, Donald Trump doesn’t like to lose and will gladly discard the Republican Party if it suits his interests – even if it means a Democratic victory.




The Third Warfare


In its relentless quest for global hegemony, the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) knows no bounds. Arguably the world’s most oppressive regime, the CCP has one overarching goal: to promote the interests of the Party, spreading its ideology and control to every corner of the globe. That said, the United States and its western allies stand firmly in their way.

The CCP is keenly aware that it is not yet able to destroy the West at a kinetic level of warfare. In a head-to-head confrontation with the U.S. and its allies, China would be outmatched — literally outgunned, militarily. However, there are devastating ways to wage asymmetrical warfare to undermine and weaken the U.S. while simultaneously bolstering the CCP’s military objectives and capacity to wage war in multiple theaters.

The Three Warfares

The CCP works from a premise of “three warfares” (san zhan): public opinion warfare, psychological warfare, and legal warfare. These three interrelated and mutually reinforcing systems can hamstring the strategic and tactical capacities of the U.S. and its allies — even including their military capabilities.

The CCP has learned to use the robust U.S. legal system to weaken America’s standing as the world’s leading superpower. Tactics collectively known as “lawfare” exploit both the strengths and weaknesses of American law and litigation to tie up, obstruct, undermine, and divide the U.S. internally and on the global stage. 

Lawfare is a major component of fifth-generation warfare, which uses information and data to exploit and redefine cognitive biases, manipulate worldviews, and destroy opponents from within.

“The CCP understood they needed the West to advance, and they are still taking advantage of that,” according to retired U.S. Air Force Brig. Gen. Robert Spalding. “Thus, the only option is for us to completely decouple and prevent our citizens from engaging with China.”

It is critical that U.S. lawmakers, policymakers, and military leadership understand China’s three warfares strategy and meet their threat head-on. A merely defensive posture plays into the CCP’s intent to immobilize U.S. companies, governmental agencies, and military powers through endless litigation and the manipulation of public opinion. 

Ultimately, lawfare is a means of achieving military objectives — while constraining the West’s ability to employ its martial advantages — making it a serious threat to U.S. national security.

The first step in defeating these tactics is to, as Sun Tzu wrote, understand the enemy. The second is to use that understanding to formulate offensive and preemptive strategies to beat the CCP at its own game.

Unrestricted Lawfare

It is important to understand that the CCP will hold its opponents to legal and ethical standards that it has no intention of following itself. Lawfare, wroteDean Cheng, a former senior research fellow at the Heritage Foundation’s Asian Studies Center, “involves ‘arguing that one’s own side is obeying the law, criticizing the other side for violating the law, and making arguments for one’s own side in cases where there are also violations of the law.’”

“Like the Soviets, the CCP’s dictators are never shy of saying that law is the party’s instrument to destroy enemies,” wrote Bradley A. Thayer and Lianchao Han, and “the Communist Party always remains above the law.”

The ends sought by the CCP justify the means, even if the means include deceit, racism, and human rights abuses. As Cheng wrote, “current PRC behavior suggests that one should not necessarily expect the Chinese to refrain from engaging in activities they condemn in others.”

This approach is essentially “unrestricted lawfare,” the use and abuse of the U.S. legal system by the CCP to weaken America, break the will of the people, and exert its political influence beyond its own borders, weaponizing the American judicial system to persecute Chinese dissidents on American soil and punish whistleblowers.

The CCP has demonstrated before the watching world a willingness to use mass murder to further its agenda, so it comes as no surprise that antisemitism is not off-limits. 

Antisemitism as a Weapon: A Current Case

Witness the legal persecution of high-profile Chinese dissident, Ho Wan Kwok (“Miles Guo”). This ongoing battle is a cautionary tale in real-time that needs to spark a conversation about whether U.S. law firms should represent the interests of the CCP, knowingly or by default.

In early December 2022, Elliot Dordick — a Jewish-American lawyer — filed an ethics complaint with the attorney grievance committee of New York’s First Judicial Department against Paul Hastings LLP and four of its attorneys, including two partners. The complaint stems from filings by those Paul Hastings LLP attorneys in an ongoing bankruptcy proceeding (case number 22-50073) in Connecticut involving Miles Guo.

Dordick posted the entirety of his complaint to Twitter, asking, “Why would these Paul Hastings LLP attorneys repeatedly cite a notoriously antisemitic, racist, anti-immigrant website in federal court to attack a Chinese dissident seeking asylum in the U.S. without telling the court of the nature of their source?”

The source in question is The Unz Review, a website founded by Ron Unz, who the ADL said “has denied the Holocaust, endorsed the claim that Jews consume the blood of non-Jews, and has claimed that Jews control the media, hate non-Jews, and worship Satan.” 

According to Dordick’s complaint, Chapter 11 Trustee Luc Despins and other Paul Hastings attorneys substantively cited The Unz Review at least five times over several pages to justify their beliefs about Guo’s alleged actions. The Unz Review article cited by Despins and the other Paul Hastings LLP attorneys was written by Pepe Escobar, who the U.S. State Department said is involved in disinformation campaigns by foreign, authoritarian states.

Dordick pointed out that while Despins and the other Paul Hastings LLP attorneys made sure to remind the bankruptcy court of its obligation to view the Department of Justice-appointed bankruptcy trustee’s evidence with deference, they “conveniently” failed to mention noteworthy aspects of the evidence’s source.

On Twitter, Dordick continued, “I’m stunned to see this coming from such a prestigious firm. I took it upon myself to file the ethics complaint attached to these posts immediately upon discovering their actions. This legitimization of such an outrageous source has no place in our courtrooms.”

Infiltrating the DOJ

Guo has said in several videos posted to GETTR that Despins has a close connection to and partnership with the Pacific Alliance Group (PAG) in communist China. “The appointment,” according to an Aussie Brief News story, “has an obvious conflict of interest and also reflects the infiltration of the U.S. judiciary system using unrestricted warfare tactics. Luc A. Despins is a partner of the law firm Paul Hastings LLP, which has developed business relations with PAG in a $671M bid for Spring REIT … and many other companies tied with the Chinese Communist Party (CCP).”

Guo has also “questioned the appointment of Luc A. Despins,” according to the Aussie Brief News, “asking why such appointment will be allowed by the U.S. Department of Justice. He said the appointment is unbelievable and that the CCP can heavily influence the U.S. Department of Justice.”

“The infiltration of the U.S. judiciary system accumulated over the years,” according to the report, “as the CCP’s judicial unrestricted warfare plan intended.”

Dordick requested that the attorney grievance committee office to which he submitted his complaint investigate Paul Hastings LLP, Despins, and other Paul Hastings LLP attorneys for potential ethics violations of rules related to dishonesty, deceit, and misrepresentation, conduct prejudicial to the administration of justice, conduct that adversely reflects on a lawyer’s fitness as a lawyer, and the failure to adequately supervise lawyers at the firm. 

“How could Paul Hastings LLP possibly claim it properly oversees its attorneys if they lend credibility to sources of hatred in federal court?” Dordick wrote in a post on GETTR.

Supporters of the New Federal State of China (NFSC), a movement seeking to take down the CCP and liberate the Chinese people, flooded the comments sections of Dordick’s social media posts with messages of support and solidarity with the Jewish community. Comments on his posts indicate NFSC supporters’ strong opposition to any promotion of antisemitic outlets in federal court by anyone, let alone attorneys at influential or respected law firms. 

Additionally, several noteworthy figures in the Jewish community, including but not limited to, former U.S. Deputy Special Envoy to Combat Antisemitism Ellie Cohanim, Newsweek Opinion Editor Josh Hammer, and former New York State Representative Dov Hikind shared Dordick’s social media posts.

The struggle between Guo and Paul Hastings LLP is just one battle amid a war for hearts, minds, and, ultimately, global hegemony. The U.S. government would do well to commit significant resources and scrutiny to ensure this is a war it does not lose.




2022 Was The Year Of Nationalist Strides In European Elections

Nationalist candidates saw success in several countries across the Old Continent, ensuring European politics won’t become dull anytime soon.



Europe’s dozens of peoples never vote entirely in lockstep. Mercifully, this does much to prevent Brussels globalist federalism from establishing hegemony. The year 2022 was no exception, though prevailing trends left more reason for optimism than did America’s November midterms. Nationalist candidates enjoyed success in several countries across the Old Continent in a year in which major players like Viktor Orbán and Emmanuel Macron were on the ballot. Even in countries in which the left gained or maintained power, nationalist candidates generally could point to important achievements.

This could portend the environment and voter attitudes of our next key electoral year of 2024. European and American voting patterns are often correlated; the 2016 dual shock of Brexit and the election of Donald Trump is the most famous recent example. In the short term, these electoral outcomes mean less opportunity for the European political class to offer undisguised transatlantic support to the Democratic Party.

These are an American observer’s key takeaways from a year in European elections.

Portugal

In this snap election triggered by a budget rejection, the Socialist Party unexpectedly won an absolute majority for only the second time in its history. As a result, it can govern without a coalition, and Prime Minister António Costa retains his position. Socialists now hold firm control of the Iberian Peninsula (Indeed, Spanish Prime Minister Pedro Sánchez was among those who celebrated the result). Smaller populist parties on the right did well, but a lack of collaboration with the center-right Social Democratic Party ensured a Socialist victory. The result represented a blow to the right on the western half of the continent.

Hungary

Arguably no one besides Donald Trump evokes the same degree of establishment hatred as Hungarian Prime Minister Viktor Orbán. Thus, it was no surprise corporate media seized on a coalition of all major opposition parties and a fresh-faced opposition figurehead as they touted the possibility of Orbán’s ouster. The incumbent prime minister and frequent Brussels adversary responded by winning his most impressive victory yet.

Orbán’s Fidesz-KDNP alliance won a parliamentary supermajority with 135 of 199 seats and an outright majority of votes. Hungarians distrust key politicians on the left, desire stability and de-escalation on the country’s eastern border, and see EU strongarm measures as unreasonable; all of these factors worked in Orbán’s favor. The result was so emphatic that critics didn’t expend much energy in drumming up charges of malfeasance. For at least the next four years, traditional values and the interests of the nation-state will continue to have at least one significant advocate on the continent.

Serbia

Aleksandar Vučić, increasingly the subject of Brusselian indignation, led his big-tent ruling party to an easy victory with more than 60 percent of the vote. It comes at a particularly critical moment in the country’s history, as tensions are escalating in Kosovo (which Serbia claims as its sovereign territory) and Russia wages war in Ukraine.

Orthodox Serbia’s close relationship with Russia stretches at least two centuries, as any reader of Dostoevsky and Tolstoy can attest; the country did not enact sanctions against Russia this year. Bomb-ravaged buildings still stand in central Belgrade as a testament to the NATO aerial campaign from the 1990s. Serbia’s path to EU accession had seemed relatively straightforward, but the confident Vučić will have to lead his country through a turbulent period in which national wounds are resurfacing.

France

Michel Houellebecq’s 2015 novel “Submission” has proved a remarkably prescient commentary on French politics. Set in 2022, it imagines this exact presidential election. In the real-world version, a Muslim Brotherhood candidate did not burst onto the scene and lead the country dramatically into the Islamic world, but Emmanuel Macron does possess the youth, celebrity, and passion for the new world order of the fictional Mohammed Ben-Abbes. Houellebecq’s forecasted political collapse of the Socialist Party and the UMP/Republicans was already a reality by the previous national elections in 2017, and as in the novel, the Élysée Palace eluded nationalist Marine Le Pen.

Though some polls showed her statistically tied with Macron before the April 24 runoff, she never really threatened (she won 41.5 percent, compared to 33.9 percent in 2017). The internecine challenge from journalist Éric Zemmour, along with the retooling of the aforementioned Socialists and Republicans, suggests the nationalist camp would benefit from a new figurehead (27-year-old Jordan Bardella took charge of Le Pen’s National Rally in November).

Meanwhile, Macron will continue to carry the torch of post-Merkel European federalism. Le Pen and her colleagues have pioneered new possibilities in European politics, but actual power in Paris remains firmly in establishment hands.

Slovenia

Populist Prime Minister Janez Janša, an ally of both Trump and Orbán, unexpectedly lost his reelection bid. Incoming Prime Minister Robert Golob ran on a platform of orientation toward Western Europe and left-wing social policies. Just three months after the election, the new government embraced measures to redefine marriage. The result ensures one less committed nationalist and a currently atypical left-wing regime in the formerly communist half of the continent.

Sweden

The nationalist Sweden Democrats shocked the establishment by winning 20 percent of the vote in what was a rebuke to the long-dominant Social Democrats. Voters ostensibly grew tired of skyrocketing crime and unrestrained immigration, and even the left-wing parties felt compelled to discuss these issues during the campaign.

The Sweden Democrats, once shunned by the leading political parties, will remain outside the new ruling coalition but will significantly influence its policies, particularly those related to migration and law and order. The election outcome represents arguably the most emphatic victory for the right in Sweden’s political history.

Italy

Just two weeks after the right’s triumph in Sweden, Italy became the most populous EU member to elect a right-wing government in recent years. The personable Giorgia Meloni announced herself on the European political stage with her victory. Joining her ruling coalition is the populist Matteo Salvini, a leading mass-immigration critic who previously served as deputy prime minister, and former Prime Minister Silvio Berlusconi.

Meloni quickly made good on campaign promises by refusing to let a migrant NGO ship dock in an Italian port in October. As a meaningful right-wing victory still seems out of reach in European giants like Germany, France, and the United Kingdom, Meloni’s Italy can establish the blueprint for governance in European power.

Denmark

The left-wing Social Democrats, already the largest party in parliament, won their highest vote total in two decades, keeping Mette Frederiksen in the role of prime minister. A breakup of the once-significant Danish People’s Party led to a splintering of the nationalist vote in a country that has been relatively strict on immigration by West European standards and has already adopted many of the populists’ policies on that issue. Collaboration of the three largest parties in a novel grand coalition will keep the establishment firmly in control and create a very different political atmosphere from the one across the Øresund in Sweden.

United Kingdom

The United Kingdom did not hold a general election in 2022, but its recent leadership debacle deserves a word. Boris Johnson resigned after numerous scandals in his government. His Conservative Party elevated Liz Truss to the leadership position; just 44 days later, it undertook the same exercise and settled on Rishi Sunak. As long as the Labour Party embraces extreme leftism, the artist formerly known as the Conservative Party will likely remain in power on the electable center-left establishment ground. It will have perhaps two full years (the next general election will occur no later than January 2025) to heal its recent self-inflicted wounds.

Late 2023 will bring a slew of important elections on the continent. Unpredictable, fiercely independent Switzerland will hold federal elections in October. Poland, currently governed by a right-wing government that has restored at least some of its popularity since the war in Ukraine began, will hold parliamentary elections in November. Spain, currently featuring a socialist government, will be the largest country to hold a general election when it votes in December.

With a war in Ukraine, ongoing energy crises, and voters frustrated by years of Covid restrictions, European politics promises not to become dull anytime soon. Americans eager to gain insights about the 2024 election environment should closely follow events across the Atlantic.


It's Long Past Time for the Republican Party to Take a Few Pages From the Democrat Playbook


posted by Mike Miller at RedState 
The opinions expressed by contributors are their own and do not necessarily represent the views of this site.

Legendary Chinese general and credited author of “The Art of War,” Sun Tzu observed:

If you know the enemy and know yourself, you need not fear the result of a hundred battles. If you know yourself but not the enemy, for every victory gained you will also suffer a defeat. If you know neither the enemy nor yourself, you will succumb in every battle.

Nearly 2,500 years later, Sun Tzu’s words remain true — including in politics.

On a similar note, Rush Limbaugh often said he knew more about liberals than they knew about themselves. As was mostly the case throughout his storied career as “America’s anchorman,” Rush was right — as was Sun Tzu. In 2023, it’s long past time for the Republican Party to heed the words of both.

The question is, assuming the Democrat Party is the “enemy” of the Republican Party, which Sun Tzu observation best applies to today’s GOP? In my considered opinion, the Republicans fall between Sun’s second and third truism.

Other than Ronald Reagan in 1980 and Donald Trump in 2016 striking most of the right chords — capturing lighting in a bottle, if you will — in other elections, including congressional elections in which the GOP won the majority in one chamber of Congress or both, the party’s results through the years have been mixed.

The 2022 midterms, expected by many to produce a great red wave instead produced a not-so-great red trickle. Two years into the disastrous Biden presidency, that shouldn’t have happened. Rather than analyzing why it didn’t — much less the 2020 presidential election results — I’ll say this: Republicans would be wise to look to the future, with the wisdom of Rush Limbaugh and Sun Tzu as a guide.

Spoiler: I’m not going to get into the Trump vs. DeSantis thing. What I am going to do is lay out a few thoughts, as suggested by my headline.

Consultative Selling and Messaging

As part of my career in the financial services business, I taught consultive selling training classes to new financial advisors. Without getting into the weeds, I learned — then taught — two key elements about the subject. First, people buy people. Hence whether selling investment services, houses, or widgets, we must first sell ourselves. That applies to politics, as well as everyday life.

Second, according to a Harvard study, nearly 95 percent of buying decisions are made subconsciously — and often driven by emotions rather than facts. The Democrat Party has known — and put into practice — this concept for six decades. Democrat voters are more likely to vote based on their emotions than knowledge of the facts. Is it true? It must be. If not, rational intelligent people wouldn’t vote Democrat — at least not to the degree they now do.

So it seems to me that the Republican Party — armed with facts — would be better served by also considering the emotional aspects of conservatism (of which there are many), and repackaging messaging accordingly. While Republicans can (and should) take it to the Democrats strong at every opportunity, they should also do a better job at appealing to the emotions of voters — which just might generate results.

Persistence and Perseverance 

Democrats are not dissimilar to spoiled children: the more they get, the more they want.

Give a five-year-old a cookie and he wants two. Give him two pieces of candy and he wants four. In both cases, Democrats and spoiled children are never satisfied — they always want more. But unlike most children, the Democrat Party is capable of patience, as in eating an elephant (pun intended) one bite at a time.

Several years before Barack Obama rolled out Obamacare, he privately admitted (Youtube videos exist) that his ultimate goal was a government-run healthcare system, but told like-minded Democrats that the country wasn’t ready for it yet. We’ve seen similar approaches to abortion, same-sex marriage, the rewriting of history, gun-control attempts, and (illegal) immigration.

Simply, as Obama observed, the Democrat Party long ago realized that sometimes, by eating one bite at a time, they get more of what they want, rather than by trying to devour the elephant in one sitting. Is there a lesson for the GOP, here? I believe there is.

As I write, House Republican Leader Kevin McCarthy just failed on the 12th (and now 13th) vote to gain the requisite 218 votes to secure the gavel, as a relative handful of “hardliners” continued to refuse to budge. Rather than debate the merits of McCarthy, I’ll say this:

If push comes to shove and a sufficient number of McCarthy supporters strike a compromise deal with the Democrats, which finally looks less likely, where would that leave McCarthy’s detractors — and House Republicans as a whole? Particularly given the slim margin they hold over the Democrats? We’ve seen it happen in the past with bill after bill, recently including Biden’s disastrous $1.7 trillion omnibus.

Again, the “all or nothing,” “my way, or the highway” approach, whether successful in the end or not, is going to leave the Republicans more fractured than before the midterm elections occurred — which wouldn’t portend well; not only for House Republicans but also for the 2024 general election.

Election Day vs. Election Season

Finally — and I’ll be brief — while we continue to wail against expanded mail-in voting and lax early-voting laws, the fact remains, for the foreseeable future: In order to win elections, the Republicans must play the Democrats’ game and learn to beat them at it. If we want to change things, the answer is simple: gain and keep the majority in both chambers of Congress and win back the White House.

While simple, I’m not suggesting the above will be easy. The House Republican Caucus — including Kevin McCarthy, should he finally win the gavel — must not go the way of previous Republican Speakers John Boehner and Paul Ryan, both of whom had a tendency to fold up to the Democrats like cheap suits. Say what you will about McCarthy, but if he hasn’t learned a thing or two over the last four days, that’s going to be a problem. I believe he has, and I believe he will stick to the compromises he’s made.

All of this is my opinion, of course. I could be wrong. I could also be right.




If States Followed The Science, They’d Emulate Europe To Protect Kids With Gender Dysphoria

Many Western European nations are returning to psychological and psychiatric care to address sexual confusion in children.



In late December, the Supreme Court of Texas decided it would take up the custody case of James Younger, a child from Texas whose mother insists the male child identifies as a girl. The child’s father, Jeff Younger, maintains his son is a boy. Should Jeff Younger lose custody of his kid, the boy will be subjected to surgeries mutilating the young child’s genitals in the mother’s pursuit of raising him as a girl. 

Recent years have seen a “sharp rise” in the number of American youth ages 13 to 17 who say they identify as the opposite sex or as non-binary. This growing population of gender-confused adolescents is nearly double what it was just five years ago.

The sharp rise comes amidst a global and national debate around the correct standard of care for the treatment of gender confusion in minors. Some European countries were using an unproven protocol tried in the Netherlands referred to as “gender-affirming care.” This experimental approach treats children who express discomfort with their sex with drugs (such as puberty blockers and wrong-sex hormones) and surgeries (such as mastectomies). Although there is no evidence that these hormonal and surgical changes to a child’s body produce improved mental health outcomes, there is growing evidence of permanent physical damage, including loss of bone density, greater risk of disease, and infertility.

Recognizing the failure of the “gender-affirming” approach to achieve improved outcomes — and spurred by the lawsuit of a young woman who was prescribed puberty-blocking drugs at just 16 years old — countries such as SwedenFinland, and England have made a clear U-turn away from some or all of these questionable protocols. After thoroughly reviewing the reliable evidence, these countries concluded that the risks of “gender-affirming care” far outweigh any potential benefits.

Instead, they are returning to psychological and psychiatric care as the starting point for addressing gender confusion in children — a model known as “watchful waiting” — noting that gender dysphoria in teens could be just a “transient phase” which should not be mishandled with radical, life-altering drugs and surgeries.

Nationally in the U.S., however, the “gender-affirming care” model is emphatically pushed as the only acceptable standard of care. Some states rely on recommendations from the World Professional Association of Transgender Health (WPATH), which is not a medical organization, but an ideologically driven advocacy group. And prominent medical organizations like the American Academy of Pediatrics (AAP) promote “gender-affirming care” despite the majority of its members supporting more review and discussion, noting the lack of evidence-based science, and raising persuasive findings that gender confusion has been clearly linked to other factors affecting children, including autism and social contagion.

Manhattan Institute Fellow Leor Sapir describes what is happening as an “exceptionalism” for “gender-affirming care,” exempting organizations like the AAP and the Endocrine Society from normal requirements in medicine that any recommended protocols be backed by objective evidence. The best evidence actually shows that the majority of children (61-98 percent) will “desist” (stop identifying with the opposite sex) if allowed to progress normally through puberty. It also shows that so-called social transition (using different names and pronouns) actually causes 97.5 percent of children to persist in cross-sex identification and that 96 to 98 percent of those who start on puberty blockers will move on to cross-sex hormones.

Fortunately, states like Florida are stepping up and leading by example in this national debate. In April 2022, the Florida Department of Health issued guidance (after a systematic review of available data and studies which revealed low-quality evidence to support “gender-affirming care”) that social transition, wrong-sex hormones, and surgeries should not be used to treat gender dysphoria in children under 18.

Then, in June 2022, the Florida deputy secretary for Medicaid issued a report concurring that “sex reassignment treatment” (which is the same as so-called “gender-affirming care”) is “experimental and investigational,” and “poses irreversible consequences, exacerbate[s] or fail[s] to alleviate existing mental health conditions, and cause[s] infertility or sterility.”

Finally, in November 2022, the Florida Boards of Medicine and Osteopathic Medicine voted to adopt a proposed standard of care prohibiting the use of “gender-affirming care” to address sexual confusion in minor children (with an exception made only for those who are already receiving such regimens).

The Florida medical boards’ thorough review of the best available evidence about how to treat gender dysphoria in children was much needed during a time when our nation’s most well-known medical associations have been captured by destructive ideology. States like AlabamaArkansas, Arizona, and Tennessee have also sought to protect children from the lifelong harms caused by dangerous drugs and surgeries through legislation.

Not having a standard of care based on real science and real evidence is problematic for both parents and children. In child custody cases where parents may disagree on the best treatment for their sex-confused child, judges now defer almost exclusively to medical experts who support the activist-driven and unscientific standard of care. This deference affected child custody decisions in CaliforniaTexas, and Ohio, leading to the erasure of the rights of parents who do not support radical changes to their child’s body in order to affirm his or her perceived (and likely transient) incongruent gender identity.

Also, government officials like the Biden administration and California Gov. Gavin Newsom are embedding a politically driven standard of care into rulesguidance, and legislation like California’s SB 107, which allows California to take custody of a child away from parents in any state who disagree with attempts at “gender transition.” This undermines the rights of parents who prefer the watchful waiting approach to directing their child’s health care.

Further, youth who have undergone hormonal and surgical interventions are now “detransitioning” (reconciling with their sex) and experiencing deep regret at what they have lost. A growing number are sounding the alarm that they were too young to understand the consequences of what activists call “gender-affirming care” and that doctors and pharmaceutical companies sacrificed their health for profit. Chloe Cole, a California teenager, was put on puberty blockers and testosterone at age 13, and doctors removed her breasts at age 15. She has now filed a medical malpractice lawsuit against doctors and one of the nation’s largest insurance companies.

Following the lead of Florida, Arkansas, Alabama, and even western European nations, states should examine the best science and evidence rather than succumbing to harmful activist-driven ideology. This will not only preserve the constitutional right of parents to pursue non-invasive psychological treatment options, but it will also save children from the lifelong irreparable harms of being rushed down a direct pipeline from social transition to sterilization.