Tuesday, September 6, 2022

The FBI Exposed

One man’s experience demonstrates how the FBI needs to be exposed for what it has become and how it has betrayed the nation and its very own motto.


It saddens many of us that the FBI, unfortunately, has become more akin to the KGB than the independent and efficient arm of the Department of Justice it was intended to be. To the surprise and horror of the American people, among it’s many failures, the FBI has repeatedly failed to protect Americans (remember 9/11) and the U.S. Constitution.

The FBI has framed good patriotic citizens, misled the FISA court, doctored evidence, planted materials, leaked confidential documents and accounts to their friends in the left-wing media, shown bias and favoritism, failed to prosecute their political allies, engaged in censorship, election interference and rigging, spied on people, suppressed information, used a fake dossier, and utilized its’ undercover agents to coax people into acts of insurrection or kidnapping. And now it has attempted yet another coup of President Trump with its illegal and illegitimate raid on his home. All of this for one, and only one, reason: to insure he can’t run for office again and finish what he started in his first term.

For over a generation the FBI has been running downhill and exposing itself as corrupt, incompetent, and at times, even criminal. Look at its executives on top—Louis Freeh (1993-2001), Robert Mueller (2001-2013), James Comey (2013-2017), Andrew McCabe (2017), and Christopher Wray (2017-present). This is a stupefyingly horrible band of leaders who, together, have destroyed the Bureau. A simple change of leadership, while necessary, will not work to fix a badly broken system and thoroughly rotten culture.

The motto of the FBI is “Fidelity, Bravery, Integrity,” which has become a farce. The truth is we no longer trust the FBI.

When I was deputy executive secretary (ambassadorial level) at the United Nations in Geneva from 1988-1992, the wall fell and the geopolitical realities completely shifted. During the end of the Cold War my office was bugged, my house was bugged, my car was bugged, and I had a death threat. It wasn’t Tanganyika. It was the KGB. Consider the reality recently for us Trump supporters—it wasn’t the KGB or another adversary up to no good. It was our own FBI.

It is hardly surprising now to hear many conservative and law-abiding people, as well as some brave political leaders, say the FBI should be broken up. Its abilities could be reassigned, in parts, to other federal agencies or cut from appropriations altogether. It could be radically downsized. It may be the only way to deal with what has become an extrajudicial, politicized, and rogue agency—totally out of control and lacking oversight. It seems every day we get more and more evidence to that effect—and there are whistleblowers galore.

My Personal Experience with the FBI

I have had only one set of dealings with the FBI. On March 27, 2018 I flew on a long international flight into Boston’s Logan International airport. I was to connect to a domestic flight enroute to my in-law’s house, just outside of Cleveland, Ohio for the Easter holidays.
After exiting the plane, I was escorted to a special line for passport control. There, I was formally detained and asked to wait, along with my wife who was traveling with me. They would not say why, and I found it most curious as I was a frequent flier and went back and forth between the United States, U.K., and Europe and elsewhere many times a year. I never had such treatment.

After about 20 minutes left waiting, we were taken by a TSA official and an FBI agent to a separate hall where they thoroughly checked my suitcase and asked about any electronic devices, phones, or computers I had in my possession.

This all seemed very foreboding and I have never experienced anything like this before, unless you include trips to Communist China or in the old world to eastern bloc countries as a diplomat.

What’s going on, I thought?

When they found nothing suspicious and would not answer my questions about why they were detaining me, they separated me from my wife and told her to wait in a lounge, without explanation, while I was to be interviewed. That is all they said. Naturally, this left her in a state of total confusion and near panic. 

What had I done? Why me? Why this arrangement and detention?

I was then escorted to another building and into a secure conference room with padded walls where two FBI agents introduced themselves to me. They said I was being detained to answer questions regarding the Department of Justice Special Counsel probe and showed me their identification and badges.

They seemed to know everything about me and had my color photograph and personal details and said in intimidating ways that it was a felony to lie to the FBI. I stated that I realized that, and I would readily, in fact gladly, cooperate with them. They never allowed me to call my attorney.

I did, however, find it objectionable to be treated in that way, as I was entering my home country, where I am a citizen and have served at the highest levels of government. They did not need to use such tactics or intimidation. I am a United States patriot and would do anything and everything to assist the government and I had no information that I believed was relevant.

They asked for my cell phone and any laptop (I didn’t have a computer on me) and produced a document, marked “warrant” in bold print, to seize it and perform forensics on it. I signed permission and asked if at least I could keep my drivers’ license and credit cards. They said yes, and they gave them back to me. They then demanded the code to open the phone and I was told I would be held in contempt, if I did not offer it. One of the agents took the phone into another back room and downloaded items but returned to say they would need to keep it and take it to Washington, D.C. for a full assessment. I asked when I could get it back. They assured me in a few days they would definitely get it to me—one way or another. That did not happen. It took months and it was altered.

The other agent then proceeded just short of about two hours to interrogate me and involved himself in various disarming chit-chat about my career, sterling academic credentials, top-secret codeword government clearances from an earlier era, and my being a fan of the championship Philadelphia Eagles. All well and good, I presumed. What did they really want? Why me? And why in this underhanded fashion? What had I done? I should state at this point, and they knew it, that I had taken both the month-long course on intelligence and the two week one on negotiation, when I was at the Department of State during the Reagan Administration, given by the Foreign Service Institute. I knew their game.

The questions got more detailed about my involvement in the Trump campaign (which was informal and unpaid); whom I communicated with, the whole list; whom I knew and how well—they had a very long list of names, starting with Steve Bannon and running the gamut.

They seemed to then focus more attention on Roger Stone (whom I have met a grand total of three times and only briefly and in company); Jerome Corsi, a journalist who had been the acquiring editor of a memoir I had written some years ago; and about Wikileaks, about which I knew nothing.

“Had I ever visited the Ecuadorian embassy in London?” they asked again, and again. They were trying to break me down and catch me up, which is a very old and tested interrogation technique.

No, I replied truthfully. They already knew that and surely had all the CCTV tapes from that very place.

I was unfazed and very dubious about why they thought I knew anything. I couldn’t help but wonder: had they read a copy of my soon-to-be-released book, The Plot to Destroy Trump: How the Deep State Fabricated the Russian Dossier to Subvert the President? The timing of this interrogation along with the nearing publication date just days off, seems to me to suggest, yes, they had read it. Closely, and with a fine-tooth comb.

Then they served me with a subpoena, which I noticed had only been issued that very day by an Obama appointed magistrate, not a judge, in Boston. I was to appear before the Mueller grand jury in Washington, D.C. that Friday. They said I could telephone the lead attorney on that team, Aaron Zelinsky, and make necessary arrangements.

They shook my hand and had agents take me to my wife, who was very alarmed and in disbelief. They then escorted us to the adjoining terminal to catch our delayed domestic flight. I have to believe they delayed it.

I called the special counsel’s office the next morning and they said it would be better to appear later, which we agreed would be April 13 and they would pay for my travel, room and board. I told them I had legal representation and asked that they establish contact. For the record, that excellent counsel, over months and months, ended up costing me about $60,000.

The deep state was sending a signal and had no doubt read my detailed book which implicated them. They wanted to intimidate me and knew well that I had no connection whatsoever to Julian Assange.

What could they want from me, a professor—a policy wonk, and philosophical defender of conservatism and Trump? Well, I had endorsed him in a 2015 Forbes article, saying we needed another TR and the economic nationalism that made America great. 

I am not and have never been an operative, have no Russian contacts, and—aside from appearing on air and in print often to defend and congratulate our Donald J. Trump—have done nothing wrong. What message does this send? I will tell you—stay clear of Trump and all things Trump or the globalists and deep state will get you as they say, “seven ways to Sunday.”

I have written in this publication about “My Time in the Tank” being interrogated by the FBI and their panels for days, and then hauled before the Mueller Grand Jury. In the end, that failure found nothing and the Russia hoax was called out for what it was.

Only recently, was the full affidavit behind the warrant declassified and unsealed, with redactions, and released. 

What’s the Upshot? 

The lead FBI special agent in my case, Curtis Heide, has now been reprimanded and is under investigation for misconduct. It is notable that he was a lead agent in the notorious operation “Crossfire Hurricane.” He bragged about it. 

Heide’s direct boss was one, Peter Strzok, need we say any more? Why isn’t he in jail? 

The FBI told me, and my lawyers, I was only a witness never a target. The affidavit says otherwise. They lied. Clearly, they wanted to “Papadopoulos” me, to turn a surname into a verb. 

The FBI surveils people constantly, without their knowledge, without authority to do so, and even if you are outside the country. The Fourth Amendment is out the window. 

In my case, the issue seems to have centered around a single email Roger Stone—through a third party, no less—had forwarded to me. I never answered it or did anything about it at all. It was a ridiculous request and one I would never take up under any circumstances. “Get to Assange” was outside my wheelhouse or capability. But I was for Trump, so they had a predicate. 

The document shows the great lengths to which the FBI had gone to try and show Trump had ties to the Russians and their election influence and cyber ops. Yet, he did not. 

The FBI said I offered to go to the Cleveland Republican National Committee convention as a Trump advisor. I did, admitted such, and I guess that was a significant crime in their eyes, as well.

Finally, this proves not only a strong political bias on the part of the FBI, against Trump, and against anyone remotely on his team, but it shows just how much the FBI knows about all your details, doings, GPS tracking, emails, telephone and FaceTime calls, videos, financial transactions, the cache in your computer and related devices, travel plans, workplace, networks . . . everything. Scary stuff. 

I was not charged with anything because I didn’t do anything wrong. 

The FBI needs to be exposed for what it has become and how it has betrayed the nation and its very own motto.