The actual National Debt is 28.5 TRILLION DOLLARS---and growing
Article by Michael J. Boskin of Project Syndicate
Beware America’s Soaring Public Debt
In the near term, strong economic growth could shield US President Joe
Biden from the consequences of his reckless spending. But if his
administration’s growth forecasts prove excessively optimistic – or even
if they turn out to be accurate – he may come to regret it.
STANFORD – America needs to rein in its soaring national debt. But US
President Joe Biden seems eager to do just the opposite. The risks are
too big to be ignored. In the aftermath of the 2008 financial
crisis, President Barack Obama ran the largest budget deficits of any
president since World War II (adjusting for the automatic revenue and
outlay effects of the business cycle). His successor, Donald Trump,
surpassed him.Biden plans to top them both. Though America’s gross federal debt now stands at 107% of GDP – a post-WWII record – the Biden administration’s 2022 budget has the country running by far the largest-ever peacetime deficits.To
be sure, I support policies to mitigate the short-run economic pain
caused by a crisis like the COVID-19 pandemic and help spur recovery, as
long as the long-run cost is reasonable. But Biden’s spending plans
don’t meet that condition. Instead, they would create huge deficits that
persist long after the economy is back to full employment.For the five fiscal years from 2022 to 2026, the Biden administration would run deficits
of 5.9% of GDP, on average. That level was reached only once between
1947 and 2008 – in 1983, when the unemployment rate averaged above 10%.
But the administration’s projections put unemployment at 4.1% in 2022
and 3.8% from 2023 and onwards.Biden claims his proposals will add only
modestly to the public debt (which is set to grow anyway, owing
primarily to ever-rising expenditure on Social Security and Medicare).
But there are good reasons to believe otherwise.
For starters, the Biden administration hopes to offset higher spending
by increasing corporate and capital-gains taxes. But these tax hikes are
unlikely to pass an evenly divided US Senate as proposed. Moreover,
such taxes are particularly harmful to growth,
so if some version of them is enacted, the Biden administration will
likely find that its revenue projections were overly optimistic.Biden’s
spending proposals also include several expensive entitlements, such as
improved home care for the elderly and people with disabilities,
universal free preschool, and two years of free community college for
young adults. History suggests that such programs are likely to become
permanent, with costs that grow far in excess of projections.Meanwhile,
even as China and Russia build up their militaries, Biden has placed a
lower priority on defense spending, with an increase that does not keep
up with inflation. Under his administration’s budget, defense spending
will fall to its lowest share of GDP since before WWII.Some argue that
the US has nothing to worry about. Deficits supposedly don’t much matter
when an economy borrows in its own currency; the US Federal Reserve
just needs to buy up the debt from the Treasury. And with
government-borrowing rates lower than the projected growth rate, the
debt can be rolled over forever. Deficit finance becomes a “free lunch.”These claims merit considerable skepticism. The reasons why are highlighted in recent technical papers by me, my Hoover Institution colleague, John Cochrane, Greg Mankiw and Laurence Ball (of Harvard University and Johns Hopkins University, respectively), and Boston University’s Larry Kotlikoff, along with his co-authors.Historically, huge debt buildups have usually been followed by serious problems: sluggish growth, an uptick in inflation, a financial crisis,
or all of them. We cannot be certain which problems will occur or what
debt-to-GDP ratio will signal trouble for which countries. And the US
does have the advantage of issuing the world’s leading reserve currency.
But inflation risks are rising – a trend that more deficit-financed
spending will only accelerate.Higher debt also increases the temptation
to stoke inflation, particularly if foreigners hold a large share of it.
The grossly simplistic assumption that debtors are rich and creditors
are poor is likely to reinforce this temptation, especially in a
political climate where many politicians and voters support tax and
other policies that target the wealthy.Yet another problem is that more
public debt will eventually push interest rates higher, crowding out
investment and harming the economy’s potential growth. The Congressional
Budget Office (CBO) expects ten-year Treasuries to rise sooner and faster than the Biden budget does.While
large changes in interest rates are unlikely in the near term, the fact
is that financial markets and government and private forecasters have
often failed to anticipate them – for example, during the inflation of
the 1970s and the disinflation of the early 1980s. After 2008, all
grossly underestimated how long the Fed would keep its target interest
rate at zero.Sooner or later, there will be another crisis. If the US
government continues to expand its debt now, lack of fiscal capacity
could hamstring its policy responses when the economy really needs the
support. In the meantime, the advanced-economy debt deluge is making it
harder for poor countries with limited debt capacity to respond
adequately to the COVID-19 crisis, worsening the human tragedy.
Despite all of this, the argument that the US can finance its debts for
free is pervasive, and it is encouraging elected officials to disregard
fiscal discipline. This raises the risk that the Biden administration
will not only spend too much; it will effectively throw money away, by
funding projects with low – even negative – returns, much as the Obama
administration did with its 2009 “stimulus.”The content of Biden’s spending proposals
is not encouraging on this score. Consider the $2 trillion American
Jobs Plan. It is billed as an “infrastructure bill,” yet only a small
percentage of the spending it includes would go toward traditional
infrastructure. And even here, the CBO estimates a rate of return half
that of the private-sector investment that will be crowded out.In
the near term, strong economic growth could shield the Biden
administration from the consequences of its reckless spending. But if
its mediocre long-run growth forecasts prove accurate – or worse, turn
out to be optimistic – all of us, including Mr. Biden, may come to
regret it.