Tuesday, May 5, 2026

The Dangerous Endgame of 'He Must Be Stopped'


For nearly a decade, Donald Trump has been the most investigated, scrutinized, and politically targeted figure in modern American history.

That’s not hyperbole. It’s his rΓ©sumΓ©.

From the moment he descended the escalator in June 2015, the full apparatus of opposition snapped into place. Not routine political disagreement or opposition research, but something far more sustained: intelligence leaks, media narratives, fabricated dossiers, bureaucratic resistance, and cultural condemnation, all rowing in the same direction.

The premise was simple.

Something would stick.

Anything would stick.

Nothing did.

Rewind the tape. Russian collusion. Endless demands for tax returns. Two impeachments. Jan. 6 recast as an insurrection. A steady drip of allegations — some serious, some sensational, some quietly abandoned when they didn’t pan out. Each introduced with breathless urgency and a familiar promise:

This is the one. We have him now. 

Think of Wile E. Coyote and the Roadrunner.

Wile E. Coyote fell off the cliff and the Roadrunner scooted away.

Naturally, the strategy evolved.

When narrative failed, prosecution followed. Enter “lawfare” — the weaponization of the legal process as a political strategy. Indictments multiplied. Novel legal theories emerged. Statutes of limitations changed. The net widened — not just around Trump, but around his associates, attorneys, aides, and, if possible, anyone who ever shook his hand or voted for him.

The message was clear: if you can’t defeat the man, bury him in the process.

Still, he didn’t go away.

At some point, even the most committed critics had to confront an inconvenient reality: the usual playbook wasn’t working. Not politically, not culturally, and not legally. At least not as they had hoped.

And that’s when a familiar pattern emerges — one that extends well beyond politics.

When repeated efforts fail, escalation is necessary.

Pressure builds. Tactics intensify. Rhetoric sharpens. Guardrails loosen.

Eventually, the line between opposition and something darker blurs.

Recent events have forced that uncomfortable question into the open. Security incidents involving Trump — including a widely reported armed confrontation at the White House Correspondents’ dinner — have underscored a reality that should concern anyone paying attention: the temperature isn’t just high. It’s rising. Soon, it will be at the boiling point.

And not in a metaphorical way.

This is not normal.

It is also not occurring in a vacuum.

Consider the rhetorical environment that has surrounded Trump for years. He is not merely criticized or opposed — he is routinely portrayed as an existential threat. “Threat to democracy.” “Fascist.” “Nazi.” “Hitler.” The escalation isn’t subtle. It’s theatrical.

And it’s constant.

Voices across the media — from Jimmy Kimmel to Rachel Maddow to the reliably outraged panels on The View — reinforce the same narrative frame: Trump isn’t just wrong. He is dangerous. Uniquely dangerous. Historically dangerous.

In other words: He must be stopped.

Repeat that message often enough — night after night, headline after headline — and it does what repetition always does. It seeps in, shapes perception, and hardens belief.

Most people hear politics, but some hear instruction.

That distinction matters more than anyone in the media seems willing to admit.

When impressionable or unstable individuals absorb a steady diet of apocalyptic rhetoric, a small but significant number will take it literally. They won’t parse nuance. They won’t weigh counterarguments. 

They won’t treat it as a metaphor. They will treat it as urgent.

Or worse — obligation.

As David Harsanyi wrote in the Washington Examiner, when rhetoric escalates, behavior sometimes follows. Not broadly. Not predictably. But enough to matter.

No, rhetoric doesn’t pull the trigger.

But it can help convince someone that pulling the trigger is justified.

That’s not a partisan argument. It’s a human one.

And it raises a question no one seems eager to answer: what responsibility, if any, comes with repeatedly telling millions of people that a political opponent is morally equivalent to history’s worst villains?

Apparently, none. Or so we’re told.

Meanwhile, the irony grows harder to ignore.

Trump is repeatedly accused of being a “king,” an authoritarian-in-waiting, a dictator poised to end democracy as we know it.

Really?

If that were true — if he wielded anything resembling monarchical power — the evidence would look very different. His critics wouldn’t dominate the media landscape. Prosecutors wouldn’t compete for jurisdiction. Late-night hosts wouldn’t build entire careers on mocking him.

Kings don’t get investigated.

Kings don’t get indicted.

Kings aren’t mocked nightly on television.

Kings don’t get shot at.

They rule.

And those who object are imprisoned. Or worse. 

Contrast that with Congress offering multiple standing ovations to King Charles — an actual hereditary monarch — while often withholding even basic courtesies from an elected American president.

You almost have to admire the symmetry in the absurdity.

Meanwhile — lost somewhere beneath the outrage cycle — Trump continues to do what he said he would do. Border enforcement. Immigration control. Rolling back DEI programs. Targeting bureaucratic excess. Pursuing policies that, whether one agrees with them or not, were central to his campaign.

Supporters see promises kept.

Critics see heresy.

But what they cannot honestly claim is that they are surprised.

Which leads to the question that has haunted his opponents since 2016. Why hasn’t any of it worked?

Why, after years of saturation-level media coverage, endless investigations, multiple indictments, and an increasingly heated political climate, does Trump remain not just relevant—but viable?

Because voters are less gullible than the narrative assumes.

Repetition without resolution breeds doubt and inattention. 

Because escalation, when overplayed, begins to look less like justice and more like desperation.

And because Americans — despite everything — still retain the right to decide for themselves.

But the real issue isn’t Trump.

It’s what happens when escalation becomes the default mode of a political system.

When narrative fails, escalate.
When prosecution fails, escalate.
When both fail, what then? What’s left?

That question is no longer theoretical.

We are beginning to see the early outlines of the answer, and it should concern anyone who values the stability of the American experiment.

Once escalation is normalized, it doesn’t stay neatly contained. It doesn’t stop politely at the boundaries of acceptable discourse. It spills over — into institutions, into culture, and eventually into behavior.

Robert’s Rules of Order and Emily Post's Etiquette turn into jungle warfare.

That’s the real endgame.

Not persuasion. Not debate. Not even victory.

Just escalation — for its own sake.

And that path doesn’t lead where its advocates believe it does.

It doesn’t restore trust, resolve division, or strengthen democracy.

It corrodes all three.

Once “he must be stopped” stops being rhetorical, it becomes uncontrollable.

Once escalation takes on a life of its own, it doesn’t just target individuals.

It targets the system.

Once that system starts to crack, there’s no guarantee anyone — on either side — will like what comes next.


Podcast thread for May 5

 


How to not tense up: Have something relaxing to watch

7 Devastating Effects Of Ending Race-Based Gerrymandering

7 Devastating Effects Of Ending Race-Based Gerrymandering

Image for article: 7 Devastating Effects Of Ending Race-Based Gerrymandering
Babylon Bee

With yesterday's ruling, the United States Supreme Court officially declared it illegal to redraw voting districts based on the races of its citizenry. Sad!

With several states being forced to redraw lines, here are seven devastating effects of ending race-based gerrymandering:


  1. The one black guy in Maine no longer gets to be his own congressional district: Poor Jerome.

  2. No more districts gerrymandered to spell out BLACK LIVES MATTER: They'll all be boring shapes like rectangles.

  3. This could be a dangerous step on the slippery slope toward ending racism forever: Nobody wants that.

  4. Candidates will now be forced to appeal to voters from more than one racial group: Horrible.

  5. Democrats can no longer use a Google Maps search for BBQ restaurants to draw voting districts: What a bummer.

  6. Politicians will have to come up with other political slogans besides "Vote for me, I'm the same color as you!": Sounds like a lot of effort.

  7. Americans could have equal representation in Congress regardless of skin color: Oh no!



🎭 π–πŸ‘π π““π“π“˜π“›π“¨ 𝓗𝓾𝓢𝓸𝓻, π“œπ“Ύπ“Όπ“²π“¬, 𝓐𝓻𝓽, π“žπ“Ÿπ“”π“ 𝓣𝓗𝓑𝓔𝓐𝓓

 

Welcome to 

The π–πŸ‘π π““π“π“˜π“›π“¨ 𝓗𝓾𝓢𝓸𝓻, π“œπ“Ύπ“Όπ“²π“¬, 𝓐𝓻𝓽, π“žπ“Ÿπ“”π“ 𝓣𝓗𝓑𝓔𝓐𝓓 

Here’s a place to share cartoons, jokes, music, art, nature, 
man-made wonders, and whatever else you can think of. 

No politics or divisive posts on this thread. 

This feature will appear every day at 1pm mountain time. 


Different Strokes: Swalwell’s Pervy Snapchat Videos Will Have You Reaching for the Bleach


RedState 

Disgraced former congressman Eric Swalwell (D), who proudly joined Snapchat as one of the first lawmakers to “restore faith in democracy," instead reportedly used the app to send multiple women nude photos and explicit videos of himself masturbating.

More than a dozen women told CNN that Swalwell made them uncomfortable over the past decade, engaging in flirty and suggestive messages on Snapchat, making in-person advances, instigating prolonged touching — even trying to lure some to his hotel room.

This was all going on while the former Democratic presidential candidate publicly positioned himself as a champion of women’s rights and defender of the MeToo movement.

God bless CNN for navigating their way through these latest seedy allegations. I had to wear a Hazmat suit and later douse myself in bleach just to get through their bombshell report.

The outlet highlights how Swalwell, dubbed the “Snapchat king of Congress,” relied on the app as his go-to for contacting women who were, how shall we put this, not his wife. The platform's key feature makes messages only accessible for a brief period. Which is super-convenient when you’re trying to pursue inappropriate encounters and don’t want to get caught.

One woman claims the former lawmaker started sending her messages on Snapchat, which eventually rose to "consensual sexual intercourse multiple times in hotels over several years."

She said the two grew comfortable enough to send each other explicit messages. CNN reviewed "nude photos" and "videos of him masturbating."

“His stories would be his, like, congressional content, but then he would be sending me d*** pics,” the woman said, alleging that one such explicit video showed up in her inbox just weeks before announcing his run for governor of California.

Numerous other women who spoke to CNN revealed further inappropriate behavior on the part of the congressman, including:

  • Writing his personal cell number on the back of a business card and sliding it into the back pocket of a former congressional staffer.
  • Hugging her for "a bit too long."
  • Grabbing a woman's bag to prevent her from leaving, then jumping into an elevator, behavior she described as shocking and an attempt "to lure her to his hotel room."
  • Suggested that another woman visit his hotel room while offering to help with her career. The ol' power imbalance ploy that he allegedly used repeatedly, and a ploy used by many a serial cheater. (Think Clinton-Lewinsky). Because nothing says ‘let me help your career’ like waving your congressional member around on Snapchat.
  • Reportedly flirted with women in even the most common or mundane scenarios, including a real estate agent and a couple of waitresses, one of whom claimed he looked her up on LinkedIn and slid into her DMs.

CNN also revealed that Swalwell contacted two of the women after they spoke to the outlet and after they had reached out to his attorney for comment, a brazen attempt at intimidation.

The night after CNN spoke with Azari about the women’s claims, Swalwell sent (former hill staffer Amanda) Koski a Snapchat message at 1:57 a.m. Eastern – asking why she had screenshotted his chats and including screencaps of texts between the two of them.

“Given the accusations against him, attempting to gaslight or intimidate a woman on Snapchat at 2:00 a.m. isn’t overly becoming of a person who has ‘done no wrong,’” Koski told CNN.

Another woman who spoke to CNN received a similar message from Swalwell at 1:40 a.m Eastern that same night. When she saw a notification about the message, “my whole chest got tight” and she “immediately started crying,” she said.

“He has devolved so far from who I thought he was,” the woman said.

Swalwell's attorney, Sara Azari, offered defense after exhausting defense of her client's behavior throughout the report, while denying that he has engaged in any illegal conduct.

“He had extramarital contact with women. He’s not denying that,” Azari said. “But that’s very different than engaging in nonconsensual sexual misconduct.”

Swalwell's use of Snapchat to try to lure women is particularly striking, given that he was viewed as a pioneer for using the platform to "restore a lot of faith that people have in their democracy by opening it up a little bit more."

He opened up, alright.

That, combined with his carefully erected self-portrayal as a champion of women, especially in the workplace, drives the irony to off-the-charts levels.

“The most important thing we can do for the MeToo movement (is to) make sure that every woman in America is protected at her workplace," Swalwell told CNN in 2018. "There’s a lot of women who work for powerful people who are not regarded as powerful to the media, but they have to deal with harassment and discrimination every day, and we should move quickly in Congress in a bipartisan way to protect those individuals.”

Who was protecting these women from him?

Swalwell announced his resignation from Congress last month, after multiple women — including a former staffer — accused him of sexual misconduct and assault, with one alleging he raped her twice while she was too intoxicated to consent. He is now facing criminal investigations in New York and California.


We may already have access to a bountiful, safe supply of clean energy

We may already have access to a bountiful, safe supply of clean energy

Nobody is talking about Thorium, but Kirk Sorensen has made a believer out of me.

Autism article image

Jerold Levoritz for American Thinker

Here is the unvarnished truth that has been kept secret by the choices of important people. At present population levels, there may be more than enough energy in the world for the next 100,000 years (maybe for millions of years) that is relatively easy to obtain, clean, and safe, and that would be productive of peace among men, because there would be fewer fights over resources.

The fuel of the future is thorium, and it is being withheld from the world because too few people know about it to demand it—and there’s no reason for this ignorance. Why the secrecy?

While positive for ordinary folks, thorium could ruin everything for important people who make their living from dealing with the consequences of conflict based on energy resources. What, then, would the bureaucrats, the military, and academics do to put bread on their tables?

With the implementation of a thorium-based economy, people and energy-hungry AI utilities would coexist without competing for limited electrical power. In a sense, we could have our cake and eat it too. And, as a bonus, we could stop consuming some of the rare resources of our only planet.

For all the foregoing reasons and hopes, I would like to suggest to decision-makers in Washington that they seek out and support the work of Kirk Sorensen, a nuclear engineer who has been doggedly pushing liquid-fluoride-thorium reactors for more than fifteen years. The technology that he touts has been understood since the mid-1940s and was demonstrated in a working model in the mid-1950s and again in the 1960s before the government shut down the thorium project.

There are still unresolved scientific issues blocking our access, but most require engineering tweaks rather than entirely new science. Fourteen years ago, Sorensen announced that China would start an LFTR plant, and in a more recent post, he notes that China has already brought an experimental plant online.

It was clear at the time that the U.S. government had chosen an inferior technology because it was easier to fabricate weapons-grade plutonium for nuclear weapons. Plutonium is often considered a dangerous waste product, with Pu-238 having a half-life of about 87 years and Pu-239 having a half-life of around 24,000 years. It can be reused in some fuel cycles, but it’s not safe to have around.

Below are YouTube links to two of his posts, separated by 15 years of Sorensen’s continuous but futile efforts to advocate for thorium.

Viewers! Brace yourselves for your introduction to nuclear engineering so you can add your voices to saving the world from “important people.” Please watch the following two links.

About half the sentences can be understood by people without an engineering background. The flavor of the esoteric stuff can be absorbed for later reference even without complete comprehension.

Under Sorensen’s thorium energy regimen, which should be relatively easy to bring to fruition, everyone will be comfortably warm or cool, raise happy families, and travel the world for pleasure.

For a limited time, the ideas in the links above can be treated like an interesting armchair exercise. You can compare Sorensen’s understanding of thorium with the contrived stories about the energy crisis drifting by you on a computer monitor—but only until the manipulators we are living under arrive at your front door.

Then the exercise will change its character, and you will be out on the streets, fighting from the barricades or trying to make important people include you with their protected minions. Alternatively, you will be dead before your time under the New World Order mantra: “MAID is for everyone!”

Image created using AI.



The Political-Violence Whataboutism Has Gotten Out of Control

 The Political-Violence Whataboutism Has Gotten Out of Control

President Donald Trump is rushed offstage by U.S. Secret Service agents after being shot at a campaign rally in Butler, Pa., July 13, 2024. Surrounding images show scenes from other left-wing attacks and their aftermath.(Reuters, Getty Images)

Nearly as great a problem as left-wing violence is the left’s refusal to admit it has a problem.

You’ve likely encountered this brand of ideological intransigence over the past decade. You’ve probably heard some variation of it from a co-worker, a friend, or even a family member.

When a Republican or conservative is shot, stabbed, or beaten by a left-wing assailant, the activist left adopts one of three standard responses:

The first: The violence is deserved. He had it coming! The second: It didn’t happen. It’s a hoax! The third, and by far the most common, is: Right-wing violence is still worse.

Of the three, the third is the most annoying, not just because it’s raw whataboutism, but because the counterexamples offered are often mischaracterizations or outright falsehoods.

They will stake out any of these three positions rather than engage in introspection. Anything to deny legitimacy to the idea that conservatives deserve dignity, sympathy, or even empathy. To grant any of these would be to concede that conservatives are human. But in the universe of left-wing activism, the right is evil incarnate. It can never be victim, only culprit. That’s why, in the wake of any violence directed against Republicans or conservatives, even when it is explicitly left-wing, the hardcore left, including certain elected lawmakers, will do anything to avoid admitting their side has a violence problem. Though this is partly intellectual cowardice, it’s mostly just a refusal to humanize the victims. The hatred runs that deep.

Let’s look at what happened last weekend.

A left-wing would-be assassin tried to murder President Trump during the annual White House Correspondents’ Association Dinner.

This marked at least the third such plot against the president. An earlier attempt by a possibly apolitical gunman involved shots fired directly at the president’s head, with one clipping his ear. This is deadly serious business.

In a normal world, we’d be having one of those national conversations we hear so much about. We’d be discussing the (apparently) normalized left-wing position that the U.S. president deserves to die. We’d be talking about left-wing radicalization, with members of the Democratic Party themselves offering solutions.

But we don’t live in that world. We live in the one where the left and its leaders won’t even admit they have a crisis of radicalization, let alone commit to addressing it.

We live in a world where a Bernie Sanders volunteer can try to murder the Republican congressional caucus, including now–House Majority Leader Steve Scalise (R., La.), who very nearly died in the attack, and an MSNBC anchor will go on television a few days later to argue that, based on his voting record, the congressman is no sympathetic victim. (He had it coming!)

We live in a world where Charlie Kirk can have his neck shot through by an assassin’s bullet, and a left-wing Washington Post columnist will share fake racist quotes attributed to the late conservative activist while smugly suggesting that he lived by hate and died by hate. (He had it coming!)

Speaking of assassins’ bullets, we also live in a world where Trump can survive a sniper attack, one in which a man was killed, two others were gravely wounded, and there’s even a picture of the bullet flying just behind Trump’s bloodied head, and 47 percent of Democrats and Kamala Harris voters will believe the incident “was orchestrated by his supporters to increase sympathy for him,” according to recent polling by the Manhattan Institute(It’s a hoax!)

We also live in a world where, even when the violence is undeniable and the perpetrator’s motives clear, your standard leftist will simply shrug and assert that right-wing violence is still worse.

You can have multiple presidential assassination attempts; the attempted assassination of Supreme Court Justice Brett Kavanaugh; the murder of Kirk; the firebombing of Pennsylvania Governor Josh Shapiro’s home by a pro-Hamas supporter; a Jewish couple gunned down in Washington, D.C., by a gunman shouting “Free Palestine!”; multiple shooting attacks on ICE facilities; a violent, weeks-long siege of a federal courthouse in Portland; “social justice”-themed riots of all shapes and sizes; and nearly 100 crisis pregnancy centers and pro-life groups vandalized or firebombed since the 2022 Dobbs decision, to name just a few, and the response from dedicated leftists will still be: I don’t care; the right is still worse. 

After this latest attempt on Trump’s life, and after conservatives and Republicans asked whether we could now talk now left-wing radicalization, the usual suspects at once invoked their trusty “whataboutism” card featuring the same trusty cast of characters: Paul Pelosi! Gretchen Whitmer! Gabby Giffords! Melissa Hortman!

Pelosi’s assailant, anti-war and nudist activist David DePape, who had been homeless and mentally unstableat the time of the attack, was registered with the Green Party as recently as 2014. He later got into Covid-19 vaccine-conspiracy theories, 2020 election trutherism, and “Pizzagate”-style theories about child-trafficking, making him nearly indistinguishable from your run-of-the-mill left-wing Epstein conspiracy enthusiast.

The Whitmer kidnapping plot admittedly has more legs as an attempt at “whataboutism,” but it’s impossible to ignore that the entire ordeal was a goofier version of The Man Who Was Thursday, where the number of undercover informants — at least twelve — nearly equaled the number of actual plotters, 14. Of the 14 charged, five were acquitted after the defense successfully argued entrapment by the FBI. Also, we should point out that the kidnapping plot, which never advanced past the plotting stage, is a weird comeback to incidents involving actual, flying bullets.

Giffords’s assailant, Jared Lee Loughner, is a paranoid schizophrenic. There has never been any credible link between the attack in Tucson and right-wing political ideology, because the gunman has no political ideology.

Then, of course, there’s the late Minnesota state legislator Melissa Hortman, the left’s preferred go-to example of a dead lawmaker these days. (The recent reflexive invocation of her murder is particularly gross, so you’ll forgive me for being blunt.) Like the Whitmer kidnapping plot, this example has more legs than most left-wing “whatabouts,” but it still comes with some caveats.

Hortman and her husband, Mark, were murdered in June 2025. Their alleged killer, Vance Boelter, is a Trump supporter. He is anti-abortion. He also claims he is a U.S. military-trained covert assassin.

As I’ve noted previously, voting records show that Boelter once supported Republicans, including President Trump. By 2019, however, he was listed as having no party affiliation, though he voted in the 2024 GOP presidential primary. When he was apprehended, he had anti-Trump paraphernalia as well as a hit list featuring the names of Democratic lawmakers and abortion providers.

It’s worth pointing out here that one of Hortman’s final legislative acts was to side with her Republican counterparts in repealing taxpayer-funded health insurance coverage for adult illegal aliens. It’s also important to note that Boelter wrote a letter addressed to FBI Director Kash Patel claiming he “was trained by U.S. military people off the books starting in college.” Boelter also wrote that Minnesota Governor Tim Walz wanted him “to kill” Democratic Senators Amy Klobuchar and Tina Smith because the governor “wants to be a senator.”

“I told Tim I wanted nothing to do with it and if he didn’t call off that plan I would go public,” the alleged gunman wrote. “He said he would call it off or hurt my family if I didn’t play ball.”

Boelter clearly doesn’t seem to be playing with a full deck. But never mind all that. Democrats have a dead lawmaker, and by God they’re going to make the best of it.

Charlie Kirk murdered by a pro-trans ideologue who claimed he wanted to stop the young conservative activist from spreading “hate”? Melissa Hortman!President Trump targeted for assassination by a Reddit-speaking left-wing dork? Melissa Hortman!

It’s not an exaggeration to say the left co-opted Hortman’s murder as a defensive mechanism. They’re not so shaken up by her death as they’re interested in using it as a bludgeon against the right.

A review of Google Trends shows that interest in Hortman spiked sharply after her murder and then flatlined in the months that followed, only to see an even sharper spike after Kirk’s assassination. Interest in Hortman saw a second sharp spike after this latest assassination attempt on Trump. In between those two incidents of violence against Republicans, online interest in Hortman cratered.

Put more simply, they put her away when things settle down and trot her back out whenever anyone rightly notes that the left has a radicalization problem. Rinse and repeat. (Should we really be surprised that the pro-Hamas wing of U.S. politics would use Hortman as a human shield?)

This habit of foisting questionable or outright flimsy examples of supposed right-wing violence is a favorite tactic of Democrats and those within their ideological orbit. You’ve probably heard by now mentions of a study by the Anti-Defamation League claiming that the right is responsible for nearly all political violence since at least 2015. This claim is true — if you believe, as the study’s authors do, that prison gangs and prison-gang-related violence should be lumped into the “right-wing” column while no other group is held similarly responsible for either type of violence. Like the examples involving Paul Pelosi and company, the study’s central thesis works only if you massage the details.

But if you have to fudge the numbers, do you really believe what you’re saying?

Speaking of fudging the numbers, another viral left-wing response to the latest Trump assassination attempt has been to invoke the “eleven” such attempts against former President Obama.

Eleven attempts? I don’t recall even one serious attempt aside from the ricin letter and those bullets shot into the White House while Obama was en route to Hawaii. I don’t recall ever seeing Obama crouched low and hustled out of an arena or ballroom by swarms of security guards. I certainly don’t remember anyone ever jumping security barriers and rushing Obama on stage.

Then you dig into the list of the “eleven assassination plots” invoked by wingers such as former HuffPo senior political reporter Laura Bassett and one-time media darling and failed congressional candidate Rebekah Jones, and you find that the list includes, among other things, a plot to use a death ray on Obama and lots of talk from people who never made it out of the plotting stage.

But if we’re using these kinds of examples as the measure, wouldn’t Trump still have far more threats, especially considering he has been directly targeted by Iran?

This is stupid.

There’s no need to compare who has been threatened more. The only reason these people are doing it is that it allows them to talk around the fact that the left is home to people who’ve taken concrete action to kill a Republican president.

Amid all these deflections and even defenses of left-wing violence, you’ve probably also heard well-meaning people seek the polite but false position that “both sides” have a violence problem.

This is nonsense. There is right-wing violence, yes, but to slough it off with a “pox on both houses” attitude is ignorance if not outright cowardice.

Ask any ordinary Republican legislator how far right is too far right, and he’ll give you names: Nick Fuentes, Alex Jones, Tucker Carlson, etc. Demand that a Republican apologize for acts of right-wing violence, and he’ll almost certainly do it. As for the conservative commentariat: it’s still locked in a yearslong civil war over who belongs in the tent.

Meanwhile, you can’t even get Democrats to condemn a nepo-baby streamer who believes, among other things, that communism is great, that Mao did nothing wrong, that the murdered UnitedHealthcare CEO Brian Thompson got what he deserved, that theft is good, and that Jews are “inbred” “pig-dogs.” These same people aren’t even embarrassed to support a Maine Senate candidate who, until very recently, had an SS “death’s head” tattoo prominently displayed on his chest.

In the wake of the deadly Unite the Right rally in Charlottesville, Va., in which one woman was killed, Republicans wasted no time condemning far-right extremism and violence. You barely even had to ask. The irony now is: If it’s true, as the Justice Department alleges, that the left-wing Southern Poverty Law Center had a hand in organizing the rally, it means that Republicans will even apologize for left-wing-involved extremism!

Meanwhile, a plurality of Democrats and Harris voters don’t even believe that Trump was nearly murdered in Butler, Pa.

The problem with the left is that they won’t even admit they have a problem. And as we all know, the first step to recovery is admitting you have a problem.

Instead of that national divorce we keep hearing about, maybe we should first stage a national intervention.


Leftist Indoctrination Factories Churn Out Would-Be Trump Assassins Every Day



Following the latest assassination attempt on President Donald Trump and members of his administration, White House Press Secretary Karoline Leavitt lambasted both the media and elected members of the Democrat Party for their role in creating a “left-wing cult of hatred” that has legitimized political violence against the president and anyone who supports his policies: “Those who constantly falsely label and slander the president as a fascist, as a threat to democracy, and compare him to Hitler to score political points are fueling this kind of violence.”

This is undoubtedly correct; however, one key component of the “cult of hatred” was missing from Leavitt’s otherwise spot-on analysis: America’s higher education system.

It is this unholy trinity of the media, the Democrat Party, and academia, that has radicalized an entire Manchurian generation against President Trump — and the political right more broadly — in a way that will not disappear once Trump leaves the political arena.

The terrifying truth is that Cole Tomas Allen is not an anomaly or a “lone wolf whack job.” Rather, he is the latest weaponized “resistance” product to roll off the assembly lines of our leftist-infused Media-Democrat-Academia (MDA) industrial complex, with all three working in tandem to produce radicals like Allen.

The Media’s Moral Sanction

The MDA revolutionary feedback loop is primed by a media ecosystem that skews and morally frames news events with leftist bias to produce public outrage which subsequently serves to stir up political violence against their political opposition.

The media accomplishes this through the use of “empathy triggers” to forge continuous narratives that bypass the rational mind and provoke visceral, often violent confrontations and responses, as we saw with the unfortunate death of RenΓ©e Good, who took it upon herself to insert herself and her car into an immigration enforcement operation in Minneapolis.

Rather than report what actually occurred, the media framed her as someone who had merely dropped off her kid at school before ICE agents shot her for no reason at all.

We also see this in the normalization of the most extreme rhetoric that has found its way into once prestigious institutions such as The New York Times.

In a recent interview featured in the New York Times, radical commentator Hasan Piker — who commands an audience of millions of young people — cited Communist Friedrich Engels to justify Luigi Mangione’s murder of a health insurance executive by framing the assassination as a logical response to the “social murder” he claims is inherent in America’s for-profit healthcare system.

According to Piker, it is seemingly understandable when this “systemic violence,” which is a term found throughout academia, is met with actual, physical violence. 

Incredibly, interviewers Nadja Spiegelman and Jia Tolentino were all too happy to nod along in tacit agreement with Piker’s framing of the murder of United Healthcare CEO Brian Thompson. Spiegelman even wondered whether murder in this context could be considered “effective political action” or not.

When the “paper of record” provides a platform for the justification of murder through the lens of Marxist theory, it can serve as the intellectual groundwork for individuals like Cole Allen to act.

Allen’s own written “manifesto” serves as the ultimate proof of this media-driven programming. In one passage, Allen wrote: “And I am no longer willing to permit a pedophile, rapist, and traitor to coat my hands with his crimes.”

These are not the original thoughts of a lone madman; they are parroted chyrons from cable news, late-night talk shows, and viral headlines from America’s “resistance” media.

That resistance media marches in lockstep with the Democrat Party, and that lockstep begins at the top.

The Political Infrastructure of Incitement

Prior to Trump being elected to his second term, Hillary Clinton warned that a second Trump term “would be the end of our country as we know it, and I don’t say that lightly,” adding that “Hitler was duly elected.”

President Joe Biden repeatedly framed the current political landscape as an apocalyptic “clash between democracy and autocracy,” effectively telling his supporters that the survival of the nation depends on the defeat of an “authoritarian” enemy.

From the highest levels of the Democrat Party on down, the message is clear: the current president, MAGA Republicans, and voters are not traditional political rivals, but a force “that threatens the very foundations of our republic.”

When the Democrat political establishment spends years describing their opponent in this way, no one should be shocked when a student of their system takes that rhetoric to its logical, violent conclusion.

The Indoctrination Factory

There is understandable shock when someone with the mental aptitude to master mechanical engineering at Caltech and computer science at California State University pivots toward political assassination.

But Allen’s resume, which includes serving as a part-time teacher and being awarded “Teacher of the Month,” proves that academic excellence and pedigree are no match for the ideological rot in today’s leftist-infused political environment.

Academia has always been a breeding ground for radical leftists. American academic institutions not only fully endorse, cultivate, and celebrate political violence, but they also elevate those radicals to positions of power and influence, awarding their terrorists tenure to train the next generation of activists.

The clearest examples of this foundational effort can be found in the rehabilitation and elevation of 1970s leftist activists to positions of influence within higher education.

Weather Underground terrorist Bill Ayers became a professor at the University of Illinois at Chicago’s College of Education and was also elected vice president for curriculum studies by the American Educational Research Association.

Similarly, another Weather Underground terrorist, Bernardine Dohrn, founded the Children and Family Justice Center at Northwestern University Pritzker School of Law and served as its director and clinical associate professor of law for more than 20 years.

Finally, one-time FBI Most Wanted communist Angela Davis, though acquitted on charges of conspiracy, murder, and kidnapping, today serves as a distinguished professor emerita at the University of California, Santa Cruz.

Once these revolutionaries cement themselves within academia, they are then able to shape education in their image.

For example, Ayers spent decades teaching and publishing on what he called “social justice pedagogy” — a framework explicitly designed to transform teachers and students into political activists.

His widely adopted texts, including “Teaching Toward Freedom” and “To Teach: The Journey of a Teacher,” helped to reframe the classroom into a place of revolutionary transformation that naturally aligns with the Democrat Party.

One need only look at the lopsided political contributions of the National Education Association to see how America’s education system has been ideologically captured and synthesized with the Democrat Party, with more than 98 percent of its political donations going to Democrats in 2024.

When the gatekeepers of the American mind function as a financial subsidiary of a single political party, education ceases to be instruction and becomes a means of mobilization.

The output of this revolutionary assembly line is statistically undeniable.

survey conducted by Kevin Wallsten, a professor of political science at California State University, found that while 93 percent of “Baby Boomers” and 85 percent of “Generation X” reject political violence, those numbers collapsed when we look at the students currently being processed through American universities.

Only 71 percent of Millennials and a shocking 58 percent of Generation Z reject political violence. Put another way, roughly 42 percent of Gen Z — the generation now entering its prime years of civic participation — believes that physical violence is a legitimate tool to silence speech they find offensive.

The justification is clear. If “words are violence,” as the younger generations believe, then actual violence is merely “self-defense.” Sadly, this reality was on full display when Charlie Kirk was murdered by Tyler Robinson while speaking on the campus of Utah Valley University.

No Longer Underground

The ideology that fueled violent leftist terror groups like the Weather Underground was deliberately decentralized and subsequently laundered through America’s institutions, leading to an extensive network of self-described “non-violent” political movements.

Allen’s links to the leftist group known as the “Wide Awakes” demonstrate how leftist radicalism has been rebranded and marketed to the masses. This group reportedly belongs to the Sunrise Movement, an organization that aims to build a mass movement of “non-violent” action to transform society; however, the facade of “non-violent” action disappeared with Allen’s violent actions at the White House Correspondents’ Dinner.

The uncomfortable truth is that the left has, by and large, completed their “long march through the institutions,” as leftist ideology now fully controls media, the Democrat Party, and academia.

These three pillars combine to further entrench Democrat power and churn out an extensive pool of radicalized Americans from whose ranks lone gunmen like Allen, Mangione, and Robinson inevitably emerge.

This ideological factory provides the foundation that gave rise to the amorphous terror group Antifa, as well as NGO backed “non-violent” mass protest groups such as “No Kings.”

Until we dismantle the MDA industrial complex that produces today’s violent leftists, the “Wide Awakes” will continue to produce nightmares for the American people.