Friday, April 17, 2026

When Dissent Becomes Sabotage: The Rise of the Counter-MAGA Fifth Column


There is a difference between dissent and sabotage. Between principled skepticism and strategic subversion. And increasingly, that line is being tested—not by the political Left, but by what can only be described as a counter-MAGA Fifth Column operating within the right itself.

At a moment when the United States is engaged in active military operations to destroy the escalating threat from the Iranian regime—one that has openly pursued nuclear capability, funded proxy terrorism, and targeted American interests abroad—there has emerged a chorus of influential voices whose messaging consistently runs counter to the Trump administration’s interests. Figures like Tucker Carlson, Candace Owens, U.S. Republican Rep. Thomas Massie (KY-4), Joe Kent, Nicholas Fuentes, and others each operate in different lanes, with different audiences and varying degrees of influence. But taken together, their public commentary reflects a pattern that deserves serious scrutiny.

Their language is often framed as “America First,” their tone as anti-interventionist, and their posture as protective of American blood and treasure. One might say an “America Only” posture. But the cumulative effect of their arguments is something else entirely: doubt, hesitation, division, and a steady erosion of moral clarity and morale at precisely the moment it is most needed.

This is not about silencing dissent. It is about recognizing when dissent begins to function as active insurgency. 

Iran’s leadership is not ambiguous about its objectives. The regime has spent decades refining a hybrid warfare model that blends conventional military development with asymmetric tools—terror networks, cyber operations, and information campaigns designed to fracture Western unity. The goal is not simply to defeat the United States militarily, but to weaken the will to act in the first place.

And information warfare does not require direct coordination to be effective. It only requires amplification.

When narratives that mirror adversarial talking points gain traction within domestic political discourse—whether intentionally or not—they serve a strategic function. When American voices consistently downplay Iranian aggression, question the legitimacy of counter-proliferation efforts, or redirect outrage inward toward allies rather than outward toward hostile regimes, they contribute to the very paralysis those regimes seek to create.

That is not conjecture. It is the observable reality of modern information conflict.

What is emerging within this space is best understood as a Black Pill Axis—as former FBI Deputy Director Dan Bongino has observed, a convergence of voices shaped by political aspiration, grievance, and greed. Voices on the right preach a doomer narrative that the Trump administration is accomplishing nothing, and then ignore substantive accomplishments, such as the FBI’s unprecedented sweep of arrests, foiled terrorist plots, and counterintelligence apprehensions.

Wedge issues are relentlessly propagated by a new podcasting class whose only fealty is to the algorithm.

Layered into this dynamic is a more personal—and more revealing—development: the participation of a subset of former federal agents and self-described whistleblowers who have migrated into this space. Many of these individuals were, not long ago, vocal supporters of President Trump and aligned with his broader law-and-order agenda. Yet rather than advocating for targeted reform or institutional accountability, they have embraced maximalist positions—calling for the defunding or outright dismantling of the

FBI itself. They relentlessly attack FBI Director Patel, and increasingly, Trump himself.

That shift is telling.

When support appears contingent on personal outcome—when expectations for position, influence, or recognition go unmet—and when that unmet expectation is followed by a turn toward absolutist rhetoric aimed at dismantling the very institution one once served and the MAGA movement that once empowered them, it raises legitimate questions about the underlying motivations at play.

This is symptomatic of the entire doomer enterprise.

At its core, conservatism has always rested on a clear-eyed understanding of human nature, the necessity of strength, and the moral responsibility to confront evil where it exists. The American Right has historically understood that peace is secured through deterrence, that credibility matters, and that hostile regimes do not simply evolve into benign actors if left unchallenged.

President Trump’s approach to Iran reflected that tradition. Maximum pressure was not about endless war. It was about preventing one. Strategic deterrence was not reckless—it was necessary. The notion that confronting a regime actively pursuing nuclear capability is somehow dangerous, while passivity is prudent, represents a profound inversion of reality.

And yet that inversion has become a recurring theme within the counter-MAGA Fifth Column.

The issue is not that these voices raise questions about intervention. Those questions are legitimate. The issue is that the answers they offer point in one consistent direction: toward disengagement, toward distrust of American power, and toward a reframing of adversarial threats as either exaggerated or irrelevant.

Patterns matter. Outcomes matter.

If the consistent effect of a set of arguments is to weaken American resolve, isolate the United States from its allies, and create confusion about the nature of the threat, then those arguments should be examined for what they produce—not merely what they claim to intend. The “just asking questions” tactic is an old propagandist ploy, perfected by radicals like Saul Alinsky.

Adversaries do not need formal alliances inside the United States to benefit from this dynamic. They only need narratives that achieve the same result. Our enemies, both foreign and domestic, need only amplify.

Some of this can be explained by fatigue. After two decades of war, the American people are understandably cautious about foreign entanglements. Some of it is rooted in distrust—often justified—of institutions that have failed to maintain transparency or accountability. And after the abuses suffered during the COVID era, Americans are now overly suspicious of authority and expert opinion. But fatigue and distrust, left unchecked, can be shaped into something far more dangerous: a reflexive opposition to any projection of American strength, regardless of context.

That is precisely the environment adversarial regimes seek to cultivate.

The conservative movement now faces a test—it must distinguish between serious strategic debate and rhetoric that, whatever its intent, produces strategic confusion.


Podcast thread for April 17

 


so much hope around now, it's amazing.

WWI + WWII = WWIII?


Britain’s civilizational collapse bothers me.  As much as we Americans enjoy defining ourselves by the whooping our ancestors gave to the Crown, Brits and Yanks share a common language, enjoy similar beliefs, and broadly relate to one another.  Rebelling against the British Empire is one thing.  Watching foreign peoples conquer what’s left of that empire in another thing altogether.  Every day the United Kingdom becomes less united and more likely to collapse upon itself.  

The U.K.’s media Establishment used popular actor Idris Elba to promote a documentary last year entitled, “Our Knife Crime Crisis.”  Elba spent twelve months trying to understand why there’s a “stabbing epidemic” in his country.  He concluded that it mostly had to do with unregulated social media, corporate profits, and not enough Big Government.  The actor then suggested to his countrymen that they hand over sharp kitchen knives or perhaps apply for permit licenses.  Nobody had the guts to say, “Hey, maybe we should stop inviting Islamic terrorists to live inside our borders, rape our daughters, and stab and murder our people in the name of Allah.”  It’s as if the U.K. Establishment is going to wait for civil war to begin before considering the possibility that its open borders policies are killing people.  Or maybe civil war is what the British government wants.  That’s certainly what it looks like from this side of the pond.

Everybody understands what’s happening because similar happenings are occurring throughout the civilizational West.  Economic and political “elites” have spent the post WW-II decades engineering a new kind of global order.  They didn’t ask for our advice or permission.  We were never allowed to vote for or against their long-term plans to reshape our worlds.  They just decided to topple over this thing we once affectionately called home.  That malevolent cabal we often call “the powers that be” decided to end the “nation state” for good, and that’s what we’ve watched unfold for three-quarters of a century.

We’re all familiar with George Santayana’s warning — “Those who cannot remember the past are condemned to repeat it.” — but, frankly, that hasn’t stopped most of us from forgetting everything.  From one generation to the next, we ignore the consequential lessons immediately behind us, as we stumble forward into similar mistakes once again.  

The first generation of the twentieth century witnessed technological marvels that most thought impossible.  With the advent of radio, electricity, light bulbs, and automobiles, the world turned upside down in a matter of years.  Instead of enjoying the luxuries of the “modern world,” that generation endured rolling waves of death from the Great War, famines, pandemics, and economic depression.  The survivors marked Armistice Day each year as a concerted reminder never to unleash so much destruction again.  Twenty years later, WWII’s mechanized slaughter and annihilation of whole cities made its predecessor look small.

So what were some of the lessons that we learned from those two catastrophic global wars?  We learned that “elites” walk us into big wars.  They use propaganda to get us riled up and ready to fight.  They are willing to sacrifice tens of millions of us for their own aims.  

These aren’t great secrets.  You can walk into history museums in Germany, the United Kingdom, and the United States and see colorful posters from both wars depicting enemies as animals, rapists, and murderers.  You can play audio recordings of fake news stories meant to convince citizens that the citizens of other nations are evil.  Most of us see and listen to these artifacts from just last century and enjoy our chance to step back in time and experience a little history.  How many of us stop to wonder, “If German, British, and American leaders were willing to lie back then, what’s stopping them from lying right now?”

Military historian Hew Strachan’s magnificent first volume on the lead-up to WWI showed how military alliances, miscommunications, aristocratic egos, and legal treaties led the world to unnecessary carnage.  An unmistakable argument in Strachan’s work is that mutual defense obligations between nations can turn small conflicts into huge wars.  Let me repeat that: Expansive military alliances led directly to the First World War. 

Given Strachan’s scholarly conclusion, I have always found it intriguing that former defense secretary and retired four-star Marine Corps General Jim Mattis has often referred to Strachan’s book as a seminal exposition on military strategy.  Why?  Because Mattis has also been a staunch defender of the North Atlantic Treaty Organization.  How a man could love Strachan’s masterpiece while simultaneously promoting NATO’s expansion seems an inherent contradiction.  

Before his death, Senator John McCain was working to fast-track the admission of little Moldova into NATO.  While Moldova can provide no military support for the United States, its integration into NATO’s military alliance would have added yet another country on the Russian Federation’s border that the U.S. was obliged to defend.  And while Ukraine is not a member of NATO, Europe’s NATO members continue to insist that the United States should nonetheless directly tangle with Russia today — the exact kind of nuclear power brinkmanship that we spent the entire Cold War avoiding.

This willful blindness — where prominent American leaders can recognize the dangers of foreign entanglements in one speech while arguing for new foreign entanglements in the very next speech — is confounding.  If we are condemned to repeat what we cannot remember, shouldn’t we all work really hard to remember the lessons of WWI and II?

So what were two of the biggest lessons of the global wars?  (1) Culturally-similar populations desire self-determination.  No matter how much pressure a government places on disparate groups of people to remain a single nation, when divisions become too numerous, nations do not survive.  (2) Totalitarian governments provoke bloodshed and civil unrest.  When enough people feel the boot of government on their necks, the desire for revolution becomes greater than the desire for peace.

How have post-WWII Western powers used the last eighty years to transform their nations?  (1) They have opened their borders and intentionally instigated the greatest mass migration of peoples in human history.  (2) At the same time, Western governments have accrued more power over their national populations than ever before.  They have ignored the lessons of last century’s great wars and led us back to the beginning.

Western governments promote censorship, viewpoint discrimination, and the criminalization of religious beliefs.  They do this, they say, in defense of “democracy.”  Western governments spy on their citizens, track their purchases, and create thousands of new bureaucratic regulations each year.  They do this, they say, to “protect” the people.  Western governments demonize Western civilization while promoting “multiculturalism.”  They do this, they say, because “diversity is our strength.”  

Meanwhile, nobody says out loud what is plain to see: The same conditions that preceded both world wars have returned with a vengeance.  Western nations are overflowing with peoples from incompatible cultures.  Economic stability is collapsing, as people struggle to support themselves.  As governments read everything we write and watch everything we do, today’s totalitarians have far greater powers than last century’s dictators ever possessed.  Instead of recognizing that the world is on the cusp of great conflict, Western governments tell us that everything is okay.  In Great Britain, the Establishment would rather pretend that “knife crime” is an inexplicable crisis than admit that society is quickly deteriorating.  

Westerners alive today may prefer to forget the past.  It’s so much easier to live for the moment.  It’s also easy to predict what our descendants will one day ask: “How on Earth did our ancestors ignore the lessons of WWI and II?  Why did they sleepwalk right into WWIII?”  Ignorance is bliss, but it comes with costs.  Let’s hope our ignorance doesn’t end up costing us everything.


Which Yemen? Which Lebanon? Which Palestinians?

Which Yemen? Which Lebanon? Which Palestinians?

Lebanon has a government. Nobody in the West disputes this. The Lebanese government, therefore, is the only one with a legitimate claim to negotiate over its own affairs of state. And yet somehow, Iran’s insistence that it also speaks for Lebanon because its illegal occupation forces remain on Lebanese territory hasn’t been laughed out of the room.

Iran plays this game of de-sovereignization all around the region, enabled at times by the West. But how to put Humpty Dumpty back together again now that the Islamic Republic has cracked up the Middle East? And does the West even have the desire to do so?

Lebanon is a pretty straightforward case compared to Iran’s other expansionist projects, and yet the West can’t even get this one right. For the past two and a half years, the region has been engulfed in the flames lit by Iran’s Palestinian client, Hamas. European leaders who recognized a “state of Palestine” did so precisely at the moment when Hamas emerged as the only Palestinian governing entity with control over its territory. The IDF has to undertake regular security sweeps in Ramallah, for example, just to ensure that Palestinian Authority president Mahmoud Abbas can enter one of the PA’s major West Bank towns.

“Recognition” was done to punish Israel rather than help Palestinians, which is why the only beneficiary was Hamas. Which means that even the countries that officially consider Abbas to be the only legitimate representative of the Palestinian polity have nonetheless boosted Hamas at the expense of the PA. Since Hamas is an extension of Iran, it is the criminal regime in Tehran that is being elevated as a voice of sovereignty on behalf of Palestinians. Iran is cannibalizing the dreamed-of “state of Palestine,” just as it has been doing to the actual, existing (for now) state of Lebanon.

One lesson of this, incidentally, is that any “state of Palestine” created at this moment would be created under Iranian occupation and would be divided from the start. Iran’s expulsion from future Palestinian territory, therefore, is a clear prerequisite for Palestinian self-determination.

Meanwhile: If Palestinian-governed enclaves are two not-yet-states, and Lebanon is in perpetual civil war between its government and Iran’s occupation forces, Yemen is a third kind of Iran-caused disaster. It is practically two states at the moment—though both are hanging by a thread.

For years, the Houthis constituted an insurgency in Yemen, but they took advantage when the Arab Spring swept the country’s president out of power in 2012. The civil war continued and the Houthis took the capital in 2015. By that time, Iran was fully invested on the Houthis’ behalf, and the Saudis had intervened on the other side.

But Iranian material support for the Houthis’ coup was revealed years before Sanaa fell; Yemen’s breakdown was enabled by the mullahs in Tehran, with some of it happening in plain sight. The Houthis weren’t signed as a client once they took power. Just the opposite: Iran was already involved in the methodical dismantling of the state.

So who is Yemen, exactly? It isn’t quite two states but it’s getting there. Iran’s clients control the capital and many of the key institutions. But they are not the recognized, legitimate state power. So as long as Yemen is, even if barely, a single state, it is a foreign-occupied state.

It is impossible to look at this situation honestly and believe that Israel is the destabilizing factor in the Mideast. Israel is working to restore full Lebanese sovereignty to Lebanese territory. The same is true around the region: Working against Iran is the only path to stability. Iran isn’t even pretending otherwise anymore.



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California Bar Strips John Eastman Of Livelihood For Representing A Client With Views It Dislikes


Stripping Eastman of his livelihood sends a chilling message that representing a client with the ‘wrong’ views is career suicide in Democrat-led states.



The California Supreme Court upheld the disbarment of constitutional scholar and attorney John Eastman on Wednesday for representing President Donald Trump when he questioned the outcome of the 2020 election.

The California State Bar’s Office of Chief Trial Counsel investigated Eastman for advising Trump following the 2020 election. The bar association argued Eastman violated “ethical obligations” by representing Trump in the questioning of the 2020 election. As States United wrote, the bar alleged Eastman tried to “plan,  promote, and assist then-President Trump in executing a strategy, unsupported by facts or law, to overturn the legitimate results of the 2020 presidential election by obstructing the count of electoral votes of certain states.”

But this had nothing to do with “ethics” or even “crime,” and a review of the 11 charges the bar filed against Eastman shows they boil down to one thing: punishing Eastman for representing Trump and raising legitimate questions about the 2020 election results.

For example, one charge alleges Eastman acted with “moral turpitude, dishonesty, and corruption” when he went on Steve Bannon’s War Room to talk about absentee ballot fraud, according to States United. Ballot fraud did — and does — occur. In one example, Zul Mirza Mohamed was sentenced to four years in jail for forging mail-in ballot applications using residents’ names during a 2020 race in which he was a candidate. Ahead of the 2020 election, the Cybersecurity and Infrastructure Security Agency (CISA) admitted there are a host of issues associated with mass mail-in voting, including difficulty in the “process of mailing and returning ballots,” “high number of improperly completed ballots,” and the “shortage of personnel to process ballots in a prompt manner.”

Another charge targets Eastman’s filing on behalf of his client (Trump) in Texas v. Pennsylvania before the Supreme Court. Texas challenged electoral votes from Pennsylvania, Wisconsin, Georgia, and Michigan, arguing that changes to voting rules made by officials rather than the legislature were unconstitutional and therefore undermined the integrity of the results. The Supreme Court ultimately did not hear the case on standing but never ruled on the underlying claims.

Notably, then-Pennsylvania Secretary of the Commonwealth Kathy Boockvar circumvented the state legislature when she unilaterally waived the signature verification process for mail-in ballots. Nonetheless, the bar used that case to suggest Eastman sought to “mislead” the high court.

A separate charge alleges Eastman knew he was filing documents with “false and misleading” statements in Trump v. Kemp, which sought to decertify Georgia’s results over allegations of improprieties in places like Fulton County. Notably, Fulton County Superior Court refused to appoint a judge to oversee Trump’s lawsuit in violation of state law, as Easement pointed out in a previous response to investigators.

In each instance that the California bar alleged “moral turpitude” or “ethical” violation, Eastman was simply doing what lawyers are supposed to do, that is, advocate for their clients to the best of their ability. Just because challenges were sidelined on technicalities does not mean that Eastman provided knowingly “false” information or misled the court.

Despite the obvious lawfare, California Bar Chief Trial Counsel George Cardona celebrated the disbarment, saying that Eastman “advanced false claims about the 2020 presidential election to mislead courts, public officials, and the American public.”

Unfortunately, Eastman isn’t the only victim of Democrat-led lawfare. As The Federalist’s Shawn Fleetwood reported, the 65 Project was founded to deter “right-wing legal talent from signing on to any future GOP efforts to overturn elections.”

David Brock, an adviser to the group, told Axios that 65 Project aimed to “shame” Republicans who signed onto the 2020 election challenges “and make them toxic in their communities and in their firms.” As Fleetwood wrote, “In other words, the group specifically targets lawyers, such as Eastman, who lawfully challenge controversial elections resulting in Democrat victories.”

Similarly, stripping Eastman of his livelihood sends a chilling message that representing a client with the “wrong” views is career suicide in Democrat-led states.


Justice Jackson Minimizes ‘Harms’ Leftists’ Anti-Trump Judicial Coup Poses To Executive Power


Jackson’s dismissive attitude to the ‘real world’ harms that lower courts’ overreaching actions have on the executive’s constitutional authority raises alarm bells.



Supreme Court Justice Ketanji Brown Jackson ran a not-so-subtle defense of leftists’ judicial coup against President Trump on Tuesday by downplaying the harms it poses to presidents’ executive power. The moment came during a lecture the junior justice gave at Yale Law School about the Supreme Court’s emergency (or “interim”) docket.

In her speech to attendees, Jackson openly criticized her colleagues for their handling of cases that come before the court’s emergency docket. She more specifically chastised SCOTUS for its granting of emergency applications that request a stay (“pause”) of lower court injunctions and for the lack of legal explanation that comes with such decisions.

Unlike the traditional merits docket, in which fully litigated cases are heard and decided by the justices on the merits of the issue(s), the emergency docket deals with cases that are still undergoing consideration in the lower judiciary. These interim decisions — which often come with little legal explanation to avoid a “lock-in effect” — are not final verdicts on the merits of the cases but are preliminary judgments that target specific lower court actions until these matters can be fully litigated.

Jackson’s criticism was clearly a jab at the court’s conservative majority, which has often approved applications filed by the Trump administration to stop overreaching injunctions by rogue lower court judges. And yet, such critiques were not even the most notable part of Jackson’s remarks.

During her post-speech interview, the Biden appointee was asked by Yale Law School Dean Cristina Rodríguez about the Trump administration’s arguments that there is a “concept of harm that the inability of the president to be able to utilize his power is itself a harm.” Put another way, the president will suffer irreparable harm to his constitutional authority if a given lower court injunction on one of his policies or orders is permitted to remain in place.

“What relevance does that [argument] have in the calculus of harm?” Rodriguez asked.

Citing her past experience as a district court judge, Jackson argued that “harm has to be evaluated relative to what is happening in a concrete way with respect to facts on the ground.” She then brazenly brushed aside any serious concerns about a lower court’s infringement upon the executive’s constitutional authority by saying, “Something like constitutional harm is too abstract to drive this kind of analysis.”

“Constitutional harm is little more than a legal concept, and we have an underlying legal process that is supposed to be determining whether or not the president or whomever has violated the law,” Jackson said. “The President of the United States, although he may be — in this hypothetical that you’ve [Rodríguez] posed — harmed in an abstract way by not doing what he wants to do, he certainly isn’t harmed if what he wants to do is illegal, right? He doesn’t have the ability to do something unlawful.”

The Biden appointee went on to contend that the “point of the merits proceeding” is for courts to “determine” whether the challenged policy or action a president undertakes is lawful. She further claimed that, under this argument, “the interim relief proceeding really has to be about something else.”

“And the something else is: Are we going to allow him to do this thing … that is being challenged in the interim, while we are evaluating whether or not that thing is lawful? And the only way to make that determination without having it just completely collapse into forecasting the merits is to focus on what is going to happen if he does this thing — concretely — in the real world, versus not,” Jackson said. “What I would be looking for as a district court judge is the government explaining to me the need for them to implement this policy right now — in concrete ways — and therefore the harms that would befall the government or the public if they don’t do it now.”

So much for that “judicial restraint” she mentioned in her speech.

If such argumentation sounds familiar, it should. It’s the same “imperial judiciary” Jackson advocated for in her unhinged solo dissent in the Supreme Court’s 2025 decision (Trump v. CASA) limiting lower courts’ use of nationwide injunctions.

Under Jackson’s worldview, the executive branch is not autonomous at all. Rather, it’s wholly subservient to the whims of unelected lawyers in black robes, who get to decide whether to “allow” an independent branch of government to carry out its constitutional authority.

This Jackson-esque line of thinking completely flips the Constitution’s establishment of separation of powers on its head. It advances the judicial supremacist philosophy that courts have unlimited power to micromanage the other two branches of government with virtually no check on their own authority.

The judiciary plays an important role in America’s system of government. But that role is not one that is supreme to the legislative and executive branches.

Jackson’s dismissive attitude to the “real world” harms that lower courts’ overreaching actions have on the executive’s constitutional authority raises alarm bells. Given her track record on the bench thus far, however, it’s not the least bit surprising.


Rare Earths, Real Bottlenecks, and Misguided Policy

Rare Earths, Real Bottlenecks, and Misguided Policy

Warehouses don’t solve supply chain problems.

America’s rare earth vulnerability is widely misunderstood. The problem is not that rare earths are “rare,” nor even that the U.S. lacks access to them. Geologically, these metals are plentiful. The real bottleneck lies several steps downstream — in processing, separation, and the regulatory architecture that makes both more difficult than they need to be. In commodity markets, the highest-value node is rarely the ore body itself, but the stage at which raw materials become standardized, separable, financialized, and usable by industry. That is where China built its durable advantage, and where American policy remains badly misaligned.

The term “rare earth,” by itself, has done years of conceptual damage. These elements are not especially scarce in geological terms. Economically recoverable deposits exist across North America, Australia, Brazil, Africa, and large parts of Asia. The United States already possesses domestic reserves, substantial byproduct streams, and decades of accumulated mineral waste that contain commercially meaningful concentrations of rare earth-bearing materials. The strategic issue is not resource absence. It is the inability, or unwillingness, to transform mixed concentrates into separated oxides and metals at scale. That distinction matters. Markets are not constrained by names; they are constrained by conversion points and regulatory fetters.

China’s dominance should be understood as an industrial-processing story, not a geological miracle or a gift of natural endowment. Mining rare earth feedstock is relatively straightforward compared with what comes next. The difficult and capital-intensive step is separation: taking a chemically similar mixed concentrate and isolating individual elements to the purity required for functional magnets, defense electronics, catalysts, turbines, semiconductors, and advanced manufacturing. China spent decades building this midstream infrastructure, developing solvent extraction expertise, refining chemical pathways, training engineers and scientists, and tolerating low margins for long enough to create global dependence. The result is not merely scale but deeply embedded process knowledge, which in commodity markets can be as critical as the underlying reserves themselves.

It is for that reason that current proposals centered on large civilian stockpiles miss the economics of the issue entirely. A stockpile can cushion a temporary disruption, but it does nothing to create throughput. It adds inventory, not capacity. If the U.S. still lacks the facilities to crack, refine, and separate the material, then a warehouse full of concentrate is little more than a monument to bureaucratic indecision, strategic confusion, or both. Here, policymakers are mistaking a buffer position for a functioning supply chain. Once the inventory drawdown ends, the same structural dependence will reappear because the structure of production has not been developed. (RELATED: Shipping Interruption in Persian Gulf Is Yet Another Reminder of the Risks of Offshoring)

A deeper problem is that America is already sitting on feedstock it struggles to deploy. One of the most underappreciated sources is monazite, a mineral-rich byproduct generated in large volumes from mineral sands and phosphate operations. It contains exactly the suite of rare earth elements Washington claims, not incorrectly, that is urgently needed. Yet much of it remains isolated, warehoused, discounted, or discarded because processing it also concentrates thorium and other naturally occurring radioactive materials. Here, the true domestic barrier reveals itself: not geology, not insufficient central planning, not subsidies, but regulations.

This is where policies have been most destructive. The current U.S. framework governing naturally occurring radioactive material was built around a legal culture that tends to treat low-level industrial radioactivity as if it were akin to nuclear weapons risk. The result is a permitting and liability environment so cumbersome that firms without legacy nuclear authorizations often cannot economically justify touching feedstocks that are routinely processed elsewhere under sensible industrial standards. In effect, the U.S. government has created a system in which strategically useful material becomes commercially toxic the moment it enters a domestic balance sheet.

It’s astounding that a market economy, even as hampered as America’s is, could result in such an impasse. Commodity production rewards the lowest-friction path from byproduct to saleable units. When regulations transform a valuable byproduct into a legal hazard, firms rationally divert it abroad, sell it at distressed prices, or let it accumulate as waste. That is exactly what has happened in multiple American mining and phosphate regions, where decades of stockpiled material now represent both an environmental liability and an unrealized industrial opportunity. Properly structured processing would simultaneously reduce legacy waste burdens and expand domestic feedstock availability. Current policies, instead, freeze both.

Where the government can immediately act most impactfully is by simply giving up acting like a Soviet-style national warehouse Commissariat. It should focus on the two places where markets are genuinely impeded: regulatory bottlenecks and pre-commercial research. Naturally occurring radioactive material rules should be modernized to reflect actual risk, international norms, and the realities of byproduct processing. This is not deregulation in the pejorative sense. It is a legal rationalization: bringing policy into line with the physical characteristics of the materials involved rather than preserving a Cold War-era framework that suppresses productive capacity and, more critically, innovation.

Second, the real opportunity lies in clearing away the legal and regulatory thicket that slows experimentation in separation science. That is where the economics of the entire market could be transformed. China’s incumbent advantage is formidable, but it is rooted in existing process technology and therefore vulnerable to genuine process breakthroughs. New separation pathways — whether thermal, electrochemical, biological, or adapted from adjacent metallurgical fields — could collapse cost curves in ways that render today’s dominance obsolete. What markets need is not subsidy but room: faster permitting, fewer duplicative rules, and a policy environment that allows firms to pursue bleeding-edge methods at commercial speed. A few years of institutional freedom and milestone-driven private experimentation could do more for strategic resilience than tens of billions of dollars’ worth of politically allocated stockpiles.

The broader economic principle is simple. Scarcity in commodity markets usually emerges not from what exists in nature, but from where law, chemistry, capital intensity, and process know-how intersect. America’s rare earth weakness is far less a mining deficit than a midstream failure compounded by grinding legal frictions. Policy should be aimed where the bottleneck actually exists: unlocking stranded domestic feedstocks, removing irrational processing barriers, supercharging separation innovation, and letting price signals do the rest. Anything else mistakes warehousing for strategy, and Gosplan-styled inventory control for industrial competence.


How Trump Can Turn Iran Critiques Into Midterm Momentum


Focusing entirely on domestic issues will 
bring Republican wins in the midterms.



Vice President J.D. Vance this week said he understands the Iran war is unpopular with many Trump supporters, particularly the young ones, but urged them not to become so dissatisfied with that issue that they disengage entirely.

“I recognize that a lot of young voters don’t love the policy that we have in the Middle East. Okay, I understand that,” Vance said at a Turning Point USA event at the University of Georgia. “I also know that we’ve secured the border. We’ve lowered housing prices now for eight months in a row, and there’s going to be more to come beyond that. We’ve made America energy dominant, which has lowered electricity costs and things like that. We’ve made it so that we have the lowest murder rate in a 127 years.”

“I’m not saying you have to agree with me on every issue,” Vance continued. “What I’m saying is, don’t get disengaged because you disagree with the administration on one topic. Get more involved.”

Vance’s acknowledgement that the war is unpopular with many in Trump’s voter base appears to be a step toward pivoting focus back to domestic issues in order to make the Republican case for retaining Congress in the midterms.

The Trump administration has been saying that the Iran war is winding down. Last week there was a ceasefire, and White House Press Secretary Karoline Leavitt issued a message of victory. Then Israel attacked Lebanon, which set back the hours-old ceasefire. Vance negotiated for hours with the Iranians in Pakistan, but said they would not accept American red lines. And now, an Iranian blockade in the Strait of Hormuz has been met by an American blockade of the Iranian blockade.

Winding down any war could turn complex, and the Trump administration says that its goals of keeping Iran from obtaining a nuclear weapon, destroying its ballistic missile stockpile, and destroying its capability to manufacture ballistic missiles have all been accomplished.

Meanwhile, a blockade enforced by the military is not the same as bombing raids throughout a country, which will be immediately more tenable to a skeptical Trump base. And while a blockade could raise gas prices, it actually has the possibility of securing two more wins for the Trump administration: more people generally will be buying American energy as Iranian energy is constricted, and it backs China into a corner to become reliant on American energy as well.

As Treasury Secretary Scott Bessent said, China has been hoarding Iranian oil, purchasing about 90 percent of it (about eight percent of China’s yearly oil purchases). With the blockade, Bessent said, “So they’re not going to be able to get their oil. They can get oil. Not Iranian oil.”

The challenge now is how Trump will be able to wrap this conflict up, mindful of the four-to-six-week timeline he put on it, and turn back home to a fully domestic focus. That need to attend to domestic issues was raised by some of his most trusted advisers in a meeting before striking Iran, according to recent reporting from the New York Times.

It seems clear that Trump took those concerns into account but still felt the American interests at play in Iran outweighed the risks, and that an attack on Iran was in keeping with his “America First” agenda. Now, as Trump declares his initial objectives in Iran have been met, those concerns provide a helpful framework for rebuilding domestic momentum.

The effects on domestic policy were a significant part of the conversation leading up to the conflict in Iran, The New York Times reported. White House Communications Director Steven Cheung feared the war would frustrate voters won over by campaign promises about no new wars, and undermine months of messaging about the complete success of summer strikes on Iranian nuclear facilities.

White House Chief of Staff Susie Wiles reportedly raised concerns about the effects of another Middle East quagmire on domestic issues, like skyrocketing gas prices, during midterm elections. If those persisted, and Democrats took either chamber in Congress, Trump’s last two years in office would be defined by congressional investigations, subpoenas, and impeachments, rather than America First accomplishments. Vice President J.D. Vance reportedly warned a war in Iran could be “a huge distraction of resources” from other MAGA priorities, a concern echoed by many Iran war skeptics.

Whatever the Times’ intention in revealing them, those concerns should be seen less as evidence of White House division and more as helpful guidance as the Trump administration navigates from the Iran operation back to domestic priorities.

The four-to-six-week timeline put on the war by the Trump administration allowed for it to be coming to a close before it started affecting the midterms, but whatever the status of the war, Republicans need momentum heading into November.

According to the RealClear average of polls, Trump’s overall approval rating is underwater by over 14 percentage points, with approval at 41.7 percent and disapproval at 56.3 percent.

His rating is also underwater on specific issues like handling of the economy (-22.4), inflation (-31.2), immigration (-8.8), and crime (-4.2). The generic ballot for Congress shows Democrats with a 5.4 percentage point advantage.

That Democrat advantage is far from insurmountable. But already, recent elections in Georgia and Wisconsin show Democrats widening their voter share, winning elections, and flipping seats. In Virginia, Democrats are well on their way to forcibly removing four Republican Members of Congress through a mass-gerrymandering effort — though the outcome of the election is not inevitable.

It would be a crushing blow to the MAGA base, and Republican retention of Congress, if the emphasis is not placed solely on issues Americans actually care about, as opposed to an unpopular Iran war (-13.5).

On Friday, Trump dispatched Deputy Chief of Staff James Blair to take a “leave of absence” to help Republicans win the midterms.

The biggest first-order win the Trump administration could deliver the American people before the midterms would be lowering gas prices substantially, even if it means flooding the zone with American energy. It will be the most immediate and tangible difference felt by the American people, and will also signal to them that the Iran War really is winding down.

The Trump administration needs to spend quite a bit of political capital on multiple fronts in Congress, pressuring Republicans to get in line with a winning message going into the midterms.

Rep. Maria Elvira Salazar, R-Fla., and numerous other Republicans introduced the DIGNIDAD Act (that’s “dignity” in Spanish), which is a mass amnesty operation to bestow legal status upon millions of illegal aliens in the United States.

It is the opposite of what Trump ran on as a signature policy initiative, and at a time when the Trump administration needs to reclaim the narrative on immigration and mass deportations, it is one of the least helpful things Republicans could possibly focus on.

Trump voters in 2024 sent a clear message that immigration — namely, closing the border and mass deportations — was a top priority. Another top priority, as always, is the economy.

The Trump administration can focus on showing the American people how the two are interconnected and turn some of his first-time 2024 voters into long-term coalition partners.

Trump has largely met that mandate by substantially reducing border crossings, refugee and asylum claims, and H-1B and other visa admissions. Net migration to the United States is negative for the first time in memory.

He has also taken up the critical task of challenging the perception that the 14th Amendment’s “birthright citizenship” clause does not mean any person who happens to be born on U.S. soil is automatically a citizen.

The White House has faced a vicious propaganda operations from the media and other Democrats, who use lies and deception to create the appearance of mass opposition to deportations, despite Americans’ support for them in 2024. To combat it, the White House might remind voters of the downstream effects of mass immigration they found so noxious under the Biden administration.

Addressing violent crime is one area the administration likes to focus on, and they should, as illegal aliens are consistently slaughtering Americans and being set free to do it again.

Trump already knows this, as he said in November, “This refugee burden is the leading cause of social dysfunction in America, something that did not exist after World War II (Failed schools, high crime, urban decay, overcrowded hospitals, housing shortages, and large deficits, etc.),” adding, “Only REVERSE MIGRATION can fully cure this situation.”

But Americans should be consistently given concrete examples to back up the truth in Trump’s statement.

For example, connecting illegal immigration to things that matter most like the job market and the long-term decline of wages and jobs for American citizens.

Housing prices is another major concern of Americans, many of whom are wondering how they will ever be able to afford a house (and by extension, raise a family). Right now, the average age of a first-time homebuyer is 40, which is the highest it has ever been.

The U.S. is facing a shortage of 10 million single-family homes, according to a recent report by the White House. The administration’s focus on housing access for young families has been met with appreciation, while some observers note a 10 million-house shortage is another way to describe a need for 10 million more deportations.

Deportations would also help alleviate many Americans’ perception of transition from a high trust society to a low-trust one through cultural degradation like language barriers at the grocery store, limiting foreigners at national parks, stopping Muslim calls to prayer in major American cities and Muslim prayer sessions at public schools, and prosecuting scam artistry and fraud costing actual American billions.

That is why securing wins from Vance’s fraud task force, and being extremely public about exactly who is committing the fraud and where they come from, would do a lot to help Americans make the cultural connection.

Another major win that requires pressure on Congress would be passing the SAVE America Act, which is wildly popular and would require photo ID to vote and proof of citizenship to register to vote.

Right now, Republicans in the Senate are fumbling its passage, with some trying to fight it.

Aside from how fundamental protecting American elections is, the restoration of faith of the American people in the election process, which is extremely low, could motivate Americans to go to the polls, knowing their vote will actually matter.