Tuesday, March 24, 2026

Obama official unknowingly admits they messed up in 2016


A new batch of oral histories of the Obama presidency published Monday includes a telling admission from a top strategist.

According to reporting by The New York Times' Peter Baker, David Plouffe, Obama’s 2008 campaign manager, reveals that in 2015, he personally delivered a message to Joe Biden that was meant to shut the door on a 2016 run. Obama had decided Hillary Clinton was the stronger candidate, and Plouffe was sent to make sure Biden got the message.

I talked to Biden many times during this period. What I would say is: "Listen, sir, first of all, I’m concerned about you as a human being. I’m not sure you’re in a state to run. But if this was six, seven months ago, it’s a different conversation. There’s no room. There’s just no room for you.”

Biden later wrote in his memoir, “The president was not encouraging.”

So Biden backed off. Publicly, he cited his grief over the death of his son. He stepped aside and watched as Hillary Clinton marched straight to defeat against Republican nominee Donald Trump.

Biden was the stronger general-election candidate in 2016. He was seen as a blue-collar Catholic guy from Scranton, not as Clinton Foundation baggage. He could talk to union voters without sounding like he’d been focus-grouped. The Rust Belt Democrats who drifted to Trump in 2016 — and ultimately decided the election — were exactly the kind of voters Biden had spent decades working with.

Further, these same Obama-world geniuses were simultaneously treating Donald Trump like comic relief. The 2026 oral histories make clear that Obama’s team was dismissing Trump as a joke as far back as 2011. David Axelrod recalled laughing off Trump’s ambitions around the White House Correspondents’ Dinner. Later, Axelrod admitted his mistake:

“I don't think any of us really anticipated that Donald Trump would be a serious candidate for president, much less president.”

Plouffe eventually admitted what this whole machine helped create. But it took him until the 2025 book Original Sin to say it out loud, and even then, he didn’t exactly do any soul-searching. Instead, he blamed Biden:

“He totally f---ed us. It’s all Biden.”

The man who helped push Biden out in 2015 — clearing the runway for Hillary Clinton, who then lost to Trump — spent the next decade acting as though Biden was always the problem. In 2015, Biden was supposedly too weak to win. In 2024, Biden was too frail to finish the race. But in Plouffe’s mind, the Obama machine itself is never wrong.

Conservatives, on the other hand, understood what was happening in real time.

Democrats didn’t lose in 2016 because of Russia, James Comey, or Jill Stein. They lost because a smug, insider group of party operatives decided the nomination was theirs to hand out, picked the wrong candidate, and then spent the next decade dodging responsibility.

David Plouffe delivered the message in 2015 that helped clear the path for Hillary Clinton. Hillary Clinton’s nomination cleared the path for Donald Trump.

A decade later, they still can’t see their handiwork staring them in the face.


Podcast thread for March 24

 

500.

Why are the cities blue?


Have you ever looked at the voting patterns of the entire country and wondered why? Why does it seem large cities are the bastions of blue while the rest of the country is generally very red?

Since there are reasons for everything, what are some of the reasons for this and what can we learn from it?

Obviously, some of it has to do with public-sector unions and large city politics. It’s not really surprising that the party of government tries to expand government through any means possible.

But one still has to find a somewhat willing clientele for what you are selling. If no one wants to buy, no amount of packaging will change this.

I think the fundamental reason rests in the lives of the average folks in these areas and what they experience, either directly or indirectly. Ultimately, it’s about cause-and-effect and the ability to understand these relationships.

People outside of major cities have a much closer relationship to cause-and-effect than those who are ensconced in large metropolitan areas.

Outside of the big cities, one is much more likely to see and experience the flow of the seasons, the ground preparation and planting of crops, their growth through the summer, and their harvest.

People outside the big cities are much more likely to understand milk doesn’t come from the grocery store and electricity doesn’t just magically appear at the wall outlet. You understand supply chain because you or friends or relatives are intimately involved in these supply chains. 

Things are also clearer outside the big cities -- one experiences the reality that government is quite often the problem and not the solution. They are more likely to experience first-hand that generally as government grows, things get worse, not better. 

They are more likely to see things like government regulation’s true results -- often the exact opposite of what was sold to the people.

In the large cities, things like that get clouded out by competing narratives and quite effective blame shifting and just sheer size. When the general populace is blinded to actual cause-and-effect, all types of crazy ideas can and do take hold. And government grows and grows -- reinforced and cheered on by the party of government.

In the rest of the country, you also are more likely to know and interact with government employees and elected officials. And you clearly see they are no better than the average person, quite often just the opposite.

And lastly there is wealth. Sure, there are wealthy people out in the rest of the country, but they are far more concentrated in the large cities. You can’t be active in a large city and not witness wealth beyond imagination. Either you, or folks you know, often work in and around this wealth.

It is just human nature to look around and think even though I don’t know how, I must be getting screwed. And lo and behold, the party of government is right there telling you yep, they are screwing you and your only hope, your only savior, is us! And far too many buy into this well-planned crap.

And lastly there is immigration, often from backward, corrupt societies, which fall disproportionally into the larger cities. These folks have already been well basted in the “you’re getting screwed by the rich folks” propaganda and are very willing to continue the thinking from their home countries. 

And again, there is the party of government -- the Democrats -- saying “yep, it’s true and we are the only thing standing between you and terrible things -- like being forced to go back home.” And of course, we come bearing not insignificant economic gifts -- paid for by others - to help you overcome these terrible injustices. As long as you vote “correctly.”

Combine them all, roll into a dynamic mash and you get large cities voting very blue while 99% of the rest of the country votes very red. If you sit on the fence, ask yourself which version is based on actual reality, actual cause-and-effect and which is based on falsehoods, illusions, envy, and the party that promises to fix it all. Choose wisely.


Arizona State U. shells out $125,000 to anti-Trump news site

 

Posted on March 24, 2026


ANALYSIS

Arizona State University is a regular financial contributor to a news site that is heavily anti-Trump and biased against the pro-life point of view.

The taxpayer-funded university has paid The Conversation at least $125,000 in membership fees according to records obtained by The College Fix via a public records request. The university gave the website $40,000 in both 2023 and 2024 and another $45,000 in 2025. This is the normal membership fee, as previously determined by The Fix.

The Conversation, which promises “academic rigor” with “journalistic flair,” has a history of imbalanced coverage. Prior research from The Fix found about half of the website’s coverage of President Trump is negative with little to no positive stories.

Nearly all the publication’s stories about abortion are from a pro-choice point of view, as The Fix previously reported. The decade-old publication receives around $2 million per year from public universities and other fees from private colleges and other supporters.

The payments ensure articles authored by Arizona State professors are published. Among these include stories about “white nationalism” and why “white people” are “bother[ed]” by Mexican flags flying at immigration protests.

Still, the university says the partnership is not about advancing political ideology.

“Additionally, and to clarify, support for The Conversation is limited to enabling ASU scholars to share peer-reviewed, evidence-based research in an editorially independent forum, not to advance any political ideology,” the university told The Fix when it provided the documents.

The university said the partnership does not dictate what faculty write, nor does it represent a formal endorsement of every article published on the website. “ASU supports academic freedom across the full spectrum of ideas,” a spokesman said, explaining that faculty participation on the site is voluntary.

The Fix also asked if the university has considered other media partnerships that represent a broader range of the political spectrum, as well as if ASU reviews the collective political balance of the articles published by its faculty on the platform to ensure it aligns with the university’s commitment to diverse perspectives. 

The media relations team did not address this question.

‘ASU cannot justify this expenditure,’ scholar says

However, a well-published social scientist said the school is wrong to give money to a biased publication.

“ASU cannot justify this expenditure,” Catholic University of America Professor Michael New told The Fix. 

 “Ideological bias aside, I consider The Conversation a relatively low-visibility website,” New wrote. “I fail to see how this expenditure either raises the stature of ASU faculty or would increase applications to ASU.” 

New said there are “far better ways to promote ASU than giving $125,000” to what he considers to be a “niche website.”

Professor New raised additional concerns regarding the platform’s ideological balance, noting that while the website focuses on evidence-based research, it can still reflect specific political leanings on sensitive issues.

“Taxpayer dollars from hardworking Arizona residents should not be going to publications with clear ideological or political point of view,” New said, suggesting that public institutions should remain neutral in their media subsidies.

He would like to see a ban on state funds being used to subsidize private media.

While he said that he does not believe The Conversation to be radical, “it does have a liberal bias on some issues.

Politics are clearly at play, he said.

“You would never see a public university pay a substantial sum of money to a conservative website.”

MORE: Public universities shouldn’t subsidize anti-Trump news sites

Photo: A person holds up money; Alex P/Pexels

The Party of Psychological Distress

The Party of Psychological Distress

From left: Illinois Governor JB Pritzker, California Governor Gavin Newsom, and Pennsylvania Governor Josh Shapiro(Jim Vondruska, Brian Snyder, Hannah Beier/Reuters)

As Axios reporters Alex Thompson and Holly Otterbein amusingly put it, the Democratic Party’s 2028 presidential aspirants are kicking off their respective campaigns in a “striking way.” Their introductory pitch to potential Democratic primary voters leans heavily into the “childhood traumas” they experienced, including “childhood resentments, family chaos, and fighting with their parents.”

Pennsylvania Governor Josh Shapiro wrote extensively about his “unhappy childhood home” in his recently published memoir, Where We Keep the Light On. The experience taught him how to deal with emotional distress and keep it contained. “I had to anticipate a problem or a pain point before there was a blowup,” he wrote.

Likewise, California Governor Gavin Newsom also let America in on the psychological abuse he reports experiencing in his youth. The governor recalled how his mother tried to acclimate him to a life of being “average,” how his father’s absence scarred him, and the emotional pain associated with his mother’s assisted suicide.

As he prepares his own against-all-odds bid for the White House, Illinois Governor JB Pritzker let the country in on the anguish he felt at the deaths of both of his parents before he turned 18, leaving him orphaned but also “extraordinarily wealthy” as the heir to the “Hyatt hotel fortune.”

“Not every likely 2028 candidate is leaning into family trauma,” the reporters note. Never one for stoicism, New Jersey Senator Cory Booker emphasizes the “transcendent love” he received from his parents in childhood. That may be admirably honest, but it’s not going to get you far in a party that prizes most highly a plausible claim to victimization. At this point, the experience of psychological distress is so common among self-identified liberals that being well adjusted is liable to be regarded as a mark of inauthenticity.

In the spring of 2023, Columbia University epidemiologists found that rates of depression among students, while high across the board, were “increasing most sharply among progressive students.” Since then, similar studies have also concluded “that the rise in psychological distress is significantly more pronounced among self-identified liberals than conservatives of both sexes.”

Explanations for this phenomenon abound. David Brooks, until recently a New York Times columnist, postulated a few, including the extent to which the left’s hostility to “the established order of things” and detachment from the durable social bonds of marriage and community contribute to their dissatisfaction. Beyond that, “on personality tests liberals tend to score higher on openness to experience but also higher on neuroticism,” he wrote in 2023. “People who score high on neuroticism are vigilant against potential harms, but they also have to live with a lot of negative emotions — like sadness and anxiety.”

Brooks has that right. In fact, one’s predisposition toward neurosis may be a leading indicator of one’s politics, and not the other way around. As psychology writer Eric Dolan wrote of a recent study published in the International Social Science Journal, “young people with higher neuroticism may turn to liberal ideology because it often critiques hyper-competition and advocates for social safety nets that offer protection against risk.”

Abusive parents (and siblings) and broken homes can leave a lasting psychological impact. Estrangement from the moderating influence of family is a source of trauma. That’s just one reason why it was so ill-considered when the activist left did its utmost to advocate dissociating from one’s loved ones if they voted the wrong way.

“Even the New York Times recently published an essay titled, ‘Is It Time to Stop Snubbing Your Right-Wing Family?,’ in which former Obama speechwriter David Litt wrestles with whether to stay in contact with his conservative brother-in-law,” the clinical psychologist Chloe Carmichael wrote last year:

The piece reads less like someone awakening to the dangers of ideological cutoffs and more like someone reluctantly conceding a grudge. That this question — whether to maintain ties with family — was posed at all in a national newspaper shows how far the goalposts have shifted. Ostracizing loved ones over votes once seemed extreme. Now it’s mainstream content.

It stands to reason that if you want to be taken seriously by Democratic primary voters, any sensible consultant might advise you to meet those voters where they live. And where they live is a fetid quagmire of anxiety punctuated occasionally by crippling bouts of depression.

There’s nothing unusual about presidential candidates leading in the biographical phase of their campaigns with the hardships they encountered throughout their lives. Typically, the story those candidates are telling is one of endurance and fortitude. They overcame those challenges, after all, and look at where they are now. Today’s Democrats are not emphasizing how they managed to overcome their hardships, if they overcame them at all. Rather, those events and the misery that accompanied them have come to define these candidates even in adulthood.

If there’s anything the average Democratic primary voter can identify with, it’s that.


🎭 𝐖𝟑𝐏 𝓓𝓐𝓘𝓛𝓨 𝓗𝓾𝓶𝓸𝓻, 𝓜𝓾𝓼𝓲𝓬, 𝓐𝓻𝓽, 𝓞𝓟𝓔𝓝 𝓣𝓗𝓡𝓔𝓐𝓓

 

Welcome to 

The 𝐖𝟑𝐏 𝓓𝓐𝓘𝓛𝓨 𝓗𝓾𝓶𝓸𝓻, 𝓜𝓾𝓼𝓲𝓬, 𝓐𝓻𝓽, 𝓞𝓟𝓔𝓝 𝓣𝓗𝓡𝓔𝓐𝓓 

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No politics or divisive posts on this thread. 

This feature will appear every day at 1pm mountain time. 


USDA Rural Announces a $115+ Million Investment to Expand USA Sawmills and Timber Development


This is one of those small stories that carries the potential for significant domestic economic gains.

As many are aware, the U.S. imports a lot of softwood lumber from Canada. Combined with the energy products the lumber sector represents the top two U.S. imports from Canada.  With Venezuela now potentially positioned to replace the former, USDA Rural Development now stimulates domestic lumber development potentially positioned to replace the latter.

Taken as a whole, these two approaches significantly weaken the Canadian leverage that could be deployed in a Free Trade Agreement negotiation.  Assuming, of course, the USMCA is dissolved in favor of two bilateral FTAs.

USDA Press Release – At the Advanced Bioeconomy Leadership Conference today, U.S. Department of Agriculture Administrator for the Rural Business and Cooperative Service J.R. Claeys announced the U.S. Department of Agriculture is guaranteeing $115.2 million across eight states through the Timber Production Expansion Guaranteed Loan Program (TPEP) to ensure sawmills and other wood processing facilities have the necessary funding to establish, reopen, expand, or improve their operations.

Today’s announcement includes recipients in the states of California, Idaho, Kansas, Louisiana, Maine, Oklahoma, Virginia, and Wisconsin.

These investments represent a commitment by the Trump Administration to expand American timber production by 25%, reduce wildfire risk, and save American lives and communities by strengthening domestic wood processing capacity.

“We cannot allow wildfires to devastate and destroy our rural communities,” said Administrator Claeys. “That’s why the USDA is taking bold action to stop the destruction of our forestlands by investing in sawmills and wood processing facilities that support sustainable timber harvesting. These actions strengthen local businesses, support rural prosperity, and create jobs for hardworking Americans.” (source)

This is not to say that expanded U.S. sawmill production would completely eliminate Canadian softwood lumber imports. However, it does create inventory and a stronger domestic supply chain that would diminish any applied leverage that Canadian trade negotiators would seek to deploy.

Without pipelines flowing East or West, Canada is stuck pumping their heavy oil south for processing.  Nothing about that is likely to change in the next few years, even if Canada abandoned their climate change policy (highly unlikely).

Then comes the cross-border auto manufacturing industry, and the realization that -sans USMCA- both U.S. and Japanese automakers are likely to stick with the manufacturing center where their greatest customer base exists, the USA.

Now overlay softwood lumber, and you can see the top three economic dependencies of the U.S and Canada are slowly being uncoupled, simultaneous with the trilateral USMCA provisions being reviewed starting with the U.S. and Mexico having direct conversations.

We keep watching.


Supreme Court Oral Argument on RNC Challenge to Post-Election Day Mail in Ballots


Yesterday the U.S. Supreme Court heard oral argument in Watson v. Republican National Committee, the RNC’s challenge to a Mississippi law allowing mail-in or absentee ballots to be counted up to five days of Election Day.

Many observers have noted the court seems likely to rule that ballots for federal elections must arrive on/before election day itself.   The full oral argument is below.  LISTEN:



The Swamp Still Looks Pretty Healthy

The Swamp Still Looks Pretty Healthy

Waiting for accountability in Trump’s second term.

Autism article image

AI-generated image

Brian C. Joondeph for American Thinker 

For nearly a decade, Americans were told that powerful institutions had been weaponized against a sitting president and his supporters. Intelligence agencies, federal law enforcement, and political operatives were accused of bending the machinery of government toward partisan ends.

The promise from President Donald Trump was clear: expose it, clean it up, and drain the swamp.

Now more than a year into Trump’s second term, many voters are beginning to ask a simple question: Where are the results?

A recent Rasmussen Reports survey suggests that frustration may be growing. Approval ratings for FBI Director Kash Patel are slipping. Only 40 percent of likely voters view Patel favorably. Even more striking, just 32 percent believe he is performing better than previous FBI directors, while 37 percent think he is doing worse.

Those numbers are not catastrophic. But they are a signal.

For the mainstream press, this is just another fluctuation in Washington approval ratings. For many Trump supporters, however, it reflects something deeper — the growing perception that promises of accountability have yet to materialize.

The disappointment isn’t ideological.

It’s transactional.

Patel built his reputation by exposing what many Americans believe was a coordinated effort inside the national security bureaucracy to undermine Trump during his first term. As a senior investigator for the House Intelligence Committee working with Jim Jordan and Devin Nunes, Patel helped uncover problems with surveillance warrants targeting Trump associate Carter Page.

He later documented what he viewed as systemic corruption in his book Government Gangsters, arguing that unelected bureaucracies had accumulated enormous power with little public accountability.

In other words, Patel understands the problem.

That’s precisely why expectations for him are so high.

For years, Trump and his allies faced a barrage of investigations, subpoenas, indictments, and televised hearings. The Russia collusion probe. The Mueller investigation. Two impeachments. Criminal indictments. The unprecedented FBI search of Trump’s home at Mar-a-Lago conducted by the FBI. 

Supporters watched these events unfold in real time.

Yet controversies involving Hillary Clinton’s email server, Joe Biden’s handling of classified documents, and Hunter Biden’s abandoned laptop appeared — at least to critics — to receive far gentler treatment.

Whether one agrees with that interpretation or not, millions of Americans clearly believe there was a double standard.

Trump returned to office promising to correct it.

But visible accountability has been scarce.

There have been no sweeping prosecutions tied to the origins of the Russia investigation. No major trials involving alleged surveillance abuses. No public reckoning for the officials accused of misusing federal power.

After years of relentless investigations aimed at Trump, the lack of reciprocal accountability is glaring.

Trump’s political base doesn’t want rhetoric.

It wants results.

But the frustration goes beyond the Russia probe.

During the campaign, Trump promised unprecedented transparency on a series of long-running controversies that many Americans believe were never fully explained.

These include the still-classified records related to the September 11 attacks, unanswered questions surrounding the 2017 Las Vegas mass shooting, the long-promised audit of America’s gold reserves at Fort Knox, and the complete investigative files surrounding convicted sex trafficker Jeffrey Epstein and his mysterious death inside a federal jail.

There are also lingering questions about the two assassination attempts against Trump during the 2024 campaign — incidents that shocked the country but remain only partially explained.

Each of these issues carries its own history of secrecy, redactions, and incomplete disclosures.

Trump’s promise to “drain the swamp” created the expectation that Americans would finally see the full record.

So far, that reckoning has not arrived.

That helps explain Patel’s declining numbers. It is not necessarily distrust.

Many supporters still see him as one of the few people in Washington who genuinely understands how the system works — and how it may have been abused.

But that familiarity invites an obvious question:

If he knows what happened, why hasn’t anyone been held accountable?

To be fair, there are institutional constraints.

The FBI cannot arrest people simply to satisfy political impatience. Cases must withstand courtroom scrutiny, often before judges who may already be skeptical of politically charged prosecutions. A weak case would collapse quickly and likely strengthen the very institutions critics believe have been corrupted.

There are also legal realities. Many of the controversies that inflamed political debate occurred eight or nine years ago. Federal statutes of limitations may already have expired for some offenses unless prosecutors can prove continuing conspiracies or obstruction.

Those constraints make sweeping prosecutions far more complicated than campaign speeches suggest.

Still, politics operates as much on perception as on procedure.

Trump was indicted. He was fingerprinted. His home was searched — even his wife’s personal belongings examined during the Mar-a-Lago raid.

Supporters saw the spectacle firsthand.

When no comparable accountability appears on the other side, restraint can easily be interpreted as protection rather than prudence.

Patel may believe the FBI must first be stabilized before it can be transformed. Internal reforms, new investigative standards, and rebuilding institutional credibility may matter more than prosecutions that look backward.

That approach may be prudent. But it is not what many voters expected.

In politics, timing matters.

If Republicans lose control of Congress in the midterm elections, many investigative efforts will stall. Should the White House change hands in 2028, the likelihood of additional disclosures would disappear entirely.

Files will be sealed. Witnesses will fade from public view. Political priorities will shift.

History shows that Washington has an extraordinary ability to bury uncomfortable truths beneath layers of bureaucracy.

And once buried deeply enough, they rarely reemerge.

The Rasmussen numbers should be viewed less as a verdict on Kash Patel than as a warning flare. Trump supporters elevated him precisely because they believed he understood how federal power had been misused. If accountability never arrives, voters may conclude that the system cannot be reformed from within.

For millions of Americans who spent years watching investigations aimed at one side of the political aisle, the question is becoming unavoidable. 

If the swamp was supposed to be drained, why does it still look so healthy?


The Billionaire Funding France’s Far Right

 Pierre-Édouard Stérin is financing projects to make France less Muslim, more Catholic and more capitalist. He says his program has trained thousands running for municipal office on Sunday.

 

As France elects thousands of mayors this Sunday, one of the most influential players is not on the ballot.

His name is Pierre-Édouard Stérin. He is a billionaire entrepreneur who left France 14 years ago to pay less tax, but has since spent millions, he said in an interview, to “ensure France doesn’t disappear.”

Inspired, he said, by George Soros’s support for liberal causes, Mr. Stérin has steered money to right-wing think tanks, political training programs, social media influencers and nonprofit groups to shape the country according to his beliefs — anti-immigrant, free-market, less Islamic and more Catholic. 

 

 

One program funded by Mr. Stérin has, by his count, trained at least 4,000 right-wing candidates in the municipal elections. With the far-right National Rally party projected to potentially win the presidency next year, Mr. Stérin is striving to accelerate France’s rightward shift.

“I dream of a France that is once again economically powerful and a France that rediscovers a sense of values, that embraces its Christian roots,” Mr. Stérin, 52, said. 

 

 The France of Mr. Stérin’s dreams would be more capitalistic, socially conservative and Trumpian — and to his critics, racist. It would tolerate little immigration, particularly from Muslim countries that France colonized. Undocumented immigrants who commit crimes or do not work would be deported. Muslim dress would be banned in public, and halal food no longer served in schools. 

 

 

“I am even further to the right than the far right on immigration,” said Mr. Stérin, who also considers the National Rally’s economic program too “statist.”

Mr. Stérin wants to ban abortion, access to which was enshrined two years ago in the French Constitution; to swell Catholic church attendance; and to encourage more French couples to procreate. Since he funds Christian projects, he said, he hopes he might eventually be canonized as a saint. He disputes the idea that his views on migration clash with those of Pope Leo XIV

 

 

Finally, he would slash the country’s taxes; dismantle the welfare system; privatize education and health care delivery; and end public funding for culture. “I am a fervent supporter of competition,” 

 Fanélie Carrey-Conte, who oversees France’s oldest migrant rights group, La Cimade, called Mr. Stérin’s vision dangerous, racist, Islamophobic and a “knife blow” to the French Republic’s founding principle of equality.

 “For him, it seems the question of human rights, let alone the rule of law, are a nonissue,” Ms. Carrey-Conte said. “With a vision like that, there is no longer any possibility of building a society together.”

 In response, Mr. Stérin said he believed in “true equality” for all. He described accusations of Islamophobia as “political weapons” to stifle debate. And he called it “ridiculous” to characterize his views on immigration as “racist,” partly, he said, because they represented mainstream opinion.

 Mr. Stérin’s project has struck a nerve in a country where philanthropy remains far less prevalent than in the United States; elections have largely been shielded from private financial influence; and the welfare state is considered sacrosanct.

 “Why does he scare people?” asked François Hollande, a left-wing politician and former president of France. “Perhaps because he is meddling in sectors where the far right has generally not been very present — sports, culture, nonprofits, training, schools.”

 “And he is engaged in an approach,” Mr. Hollande said, “that is openly anti-state.”

 

Mr. Stérin was born in 1974 in the small city of Évreux, 50 miles outside Paris. The middle child of an accountant and a financial adviser, he struggled in class, failing two years of high school. He believes he grew up with undiagnosed autism, partly because of his difficulty reading social cues.

His entrepreneurial skills were born, he said, from his enduring enthusiasm for video games. Visiting Ireland at 12, he discovered computer hardware was cheaper there. He started an import business, selling first to schoolmates and then through newspaper advertisements. He used his profits to buy stocks, and later set up a video-game distribution company.

 

Mr. Stérin’s tolerance for risk is one of several ways in which he seems cut more from American than French cloth.

In his late 20s, the dot-com bubble burst, tanking his company and forcing him to move back with his parents for four years. During that time, he said, he spun out 20 failed start-ups.

It was the 21st that made him rich — Smartbox, a company that offers experiences as gifts. Within six years, he had earned enough to launch a private equity firm, Otium Capital, according to François Durvye, its chief executive.

 

Last year, Mr. Stérin had assets worth roughly $1.85 billion, according to Challenges magazine, a French equivalent to Forbes. Mr. Durvye noted that Mr. Stérin made it all himself.

“In North America, it’s pretty common. In France, it’s not,” said Mr. Durvye, who also advises the National Rally.

 

In 2012, Mr. Stérin moved his family to Belgium to avoid paying a “supertax” on the wealthy that Mr. Hollande, then campaigning for president, had promised to introduce. Mr. Stérin remained based there, even after judges struck down the tax less than two weeks after it became law.

Around a decade ago, realizing that he would soon become a billionaire, Mr. Stérin looked for another life-framing objective. He settled on sainthood.

 

He committed to Catholicism, he said, because it offered him a moral framework to separate right from wrong. “It’s not a faith of the heart,” he said, but a “rational” and “mathematical” way of guiding his life. He said he prays daily, but only for six minutes.

Seeking canonization, he vowed to worship more, he said, and give away 99 percent of his wealth “to serve Christ.” He also decided to stop funding his five children, aged 5 to 19, after they finished their studies.

 

 

“Giving them money isn’t giving them freedom — it is burdening them with constraints,” Mr. Stérin said. He himself still flies on budget airlines, his staff said, and eats sandwiches at his desk.

In his first philanthropic venture, Mr. Stérin helped to host events where charities pitched programs to would-be donors. Starting in 2017, the project raised roughly $34 million for hundreds of causes, including training guide dogs and housing single young mothers, according to its website.

 

In 2021, Mr. Stérin founded the Common Good Fund, funneling his own money toward beneficiaries including a Catholic boys’ boarding school — the first of 50 that the fund hopes to open — and exhibitions on French historical figures like Joan of Arc.

The fund’s total expenditure is unclear. Some of the fund’s payments — roughly $35 million — have been made public, in accordance with French law, because they were either donations to charities or related expenses.

 

The fund’s general manager, Edward Whalley, said it had also dispensed roughly an additional $116 million to private enterprises, rather than charities. The fund has not published a full breakdown of those payments, citing the need to protect recipients from backlash from Mr. Stérin’s critics.

Mr. Stérin’s more explicitly political interventions were an outgrowth of this initial philanthropic work, he said.

He realized his funding would be more effective in a more favorable political and legislative environment. In 2023, that led him to start Périclès, an organization that funds and promotes political projects that many associate with the far right.

 

It supports think tanks opposed to immigration and to “woke” ideology; right-wing media; social media influencers; and groups opposed to Islamism.

Mr. Stérin does not mind seeing the occasional Islamic head scarf, he said, but he became convinced that more Muslim customs should be banned in public after seeing many hijabs while driving through poorer suburbs of Paris. (French state employees and schoolchildren are already banned from wearing conspicuous symbols of any religion.)

 

“If we don’t do that, France in 50 years would be the first Islamic republic of Europe, or the second after Belgium,” he said. “I don’t want my country to become an Islamic republic.”

A major recipient of Périclès’s money is a training school, Politicae, for aspiring right-wing municipal politicians (Politicae ignored requests to identify them).

 

As his profile grew, Mr. Stérin was targeted by protests, along with projects he funded. One recipient of some Périclès money, a restaurant staffed by refugees and homeless people, had its city permit suspended until it found alternative funding.

A lack of transparency and Mr. Stérin’s links to far-right figures have stoked the distrust. The company’s general manager, Arnaud Rérolle, said it had funded more than 70 projects; only 22 were listed on its website.

 

Asked for its 2025 expenditure, Mr. Rérolle responded, “Many million euros.”

“Like any private company, we are entitled to a form of discretion,” he said.

Alarmed by that opacity, French lawmakers started an investigative commission last month to probe the group and similar private endeavors. They want Mr. Stérin to testify, said Colombe Brossel, a Socialist senator driving the investigation.

 Some believe Mr. Stérin’s impact is minimal. Mr. Hollande, the former president, said that Vincent Bolloré, who owns news outlets associated with the far right, is more influential.

 

Others say Périclès could accelerate big shifts.

Mr. Stérin’s funding for so many municipal candidates potentially gives him outsize influence over the selection of French senators, said Alice Barbe, a founder of a program that trains left-wing candidates. In the French electoral system, local politicians help choose national senators.

“If the far right enters the Senate, for him, that’s the breakthrough,” she said.

 

Yet Mr. Stérin said he has no intention of returning to France any time soon, even if the far right takes power.

“I will return to France when I feel that it is a good place to live,” he said, adding, “In the meantime, I dream more of moving to the United States.”

https://www.nytimes.com/2026/03/22/world/europe/pierre-eduoard-sterin-france-far-right.html