Saturday, March 21, 2026

Marx and Possibility vs Reality


“The seat of knowledge,” said William Hazlitt (1778-1830), “is in the head, of wisdom in the heart. We are sure to judge wrong, if we do not feel right.” What does “feeling right” mean in a head stuck in politics, and what wisdom can ensue from a cold heart? Does “feeling right” link up with the practice of doing what is right for humanity when the realities of being human are ignored, a habit typical of the Left? 

At the heart of the matter, ordinarily misframed as a conflict between liberals and conservatives, is the essential difference between ethics structured on the politics of the day and ethics based on centuries of human experience. The “progressive” mindset ignores the organic unity between generations while the “conservative” stance is mindful of the vital continuity between one generation and the next. The one assigns progress to a vertical Now, while the other places it into a horizontal Always.

Which of the two stances of mind and heart comes closer to getting what is “right” and what is “wrong,” what is “acceptable” and what is “unacceptable,” what is “justified” and what is “unwarranted” in political and social action? Is it the mindset that disregards consequences to people of predetermined actions toward “progress,” or is it the outlook that puts consequences of action to people at the top of the list of priorities? 

A value missing from the equations of Marxists and would-be scientists regarding human conduct is the forgotten value of morality, lost along the way to modern times. This deficit is plain to those who see the misappropriation of science in dealing with purely human problems. The suspicion that scientific scrutiny is off the mark in dealing with people is justified. 

Few if any notice that the social and political sciences have nothing of substance to say about greed, plunder, revenge, and other inscrutable tendencies of mind and  heart, as though such harmful inclinations are unimportant to the effective conduct of human affairs. The social sciences necessarily depart from the rigor of scientific methodology to remain in the “scientific” loop. This creates a loophole for political manipulation. The “liberal” notion of progress, for example, needs a fungible “science” to validate its unscientific pathways to desired goals. A troubling side effect of pseudoscience as justification for an agenda is that what is deemed possible finds its way into practice and the law without having to prove its suitability for human beings. 

Is there a right to murder? Is there a right to eliminate those whose ideas conflict with yours? These are the type of questions let out the back door by social and political “scientists” in the process of promoting “progress.” 

What else to expect when validity of action is overruled by possibility of action? 

How plain must it be that what is possible is not equal to what is justified? Should hands do what they can because of the pos­sibilities? Hands that feed and caress and hold from falling can as well strangle and smash and pull triggers. Science does not provide the wisdom to determine what actions are morally justifiable. Nor does ethics, usually tailored to the politics of the day. Given a license to act on what is possible, ethics may easily turn “justice” into an asset of agenda without vetting its consequences to people. 

The attempt to make any science really know, and therefore own, the life force behind our existence must result in failure because there can be no rational grasping of the totality of human life. Things like love, hate, anger, vengeance, compassion, etc., are as enigmatic today as they were in ancient times. 

“Man is now only more active, not more happy, or more wise, than he was 6000 years ago,” observed Edgar Allan Poe, a man with as sharp a mind as they come. 

It should be clear, no matter the generation, that separating wisdom from knowledge leads to major error in judgment regarding knowledge and morality. Such disconnect is rampant among leftists, “liberals,” Progressives, and others who are in some way lured by Marxism. A well–funded group of left-bent political activists has been raiding our schools, our homes, our streets, our workplaces, our families, even our places of worship, where neo-Marxist subversion promotes a “theology of inclusion” that obliterates doctrine, weakens faith, and runs off the track of sanity. 

In a sane society, mainstream folk accept the central mysteries surrounding life and do not feel slighted for having to depend on a power felt in the heart, which most people know as God. It is a ground expressed in sacred scripture, in culture, in tradition, in love for one another regardless of the differences among us. This is what “feeling right” about what is right is about, a sense evidently lacking from many in high office who have no use for God or have appropriated that role for themselves, in the interest of lording over others. 

How far the misappropriation of moral authority has advanced in this century makes daily news. A stunning instance is that for the first time in history America was being systematically dismantled by its Administrators after 2001. No spin can hide the fact that any act to “transform” America into some form of collectivist state is not sanctioned by the Constitution of the United States and does not reflect the will of the American people. 

All the whining about the “destruction of democracy” from delusional and self-righteous celebrities is in fact a raging against Americans who fight to restore this nation to its legitimate foundation, defined and clarified in the U. S. Constitution. 

To the head turned to the Left, the concept of God must be upsetting. That there can be a higher authority than the human punches too many holes in neo-Marxist plans for total control of humanity. The limits of reality mean nothing to minds that think reality is winning political games at any price. 

Paraphrasing the oxymorons of the Ministry of Truth in Orwell’s 1984, one that fits the Left is “Impossibility is Possibility.” What can go wrong? 

When enough people have had more than they can swallow of “leftist reality” regarding truth, justice, and wellbeing –– essential input to wisdom –– the experiment on human life introduced by Karl Marx will find its rightful place in the trash heap of history. 


Podcast thread for March 21

 


what, a day.

Enforced Demilitarization: How Trump’s Coalition Strategy Is Boxing In Iran


What is President Trump's strategy in Iran? Look at what he said in Riyadh ten months ago at an investment forum.

His speech there is remembered mostly for its rhetoric about Islam, but its real significance was in sketching a division of labor that has quietly reshaped the Middle East.

Muslim-majority partners would take the lead in confronting extremism while the United States supplied weapons, political backing, and intelligence, positioning Washington as arsenal and arbiter rather than permanent regional policeman.

Iran was singled out as the state sponsor of terrorism and militias, and Trump called on “all nations of conscience” to isolate Tehran, an early marker of the long game now coming into focus.​

Viewed from 2026, we can see that long game rests on three pillars: empowering the Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC) as the regional anchor, normalizing and integrating Israel into the regional security system, and structurally constraining Iran’s military capacity instead of managing endless U.S.–Iran crises.

The Abraham Accords were therefore not a mere diplomatic flourish but the mechanism that transformed a tacit, anti-Iranian convergence between Israel and the Gulf states into a visible, U.S.-brokered framework with diplomatic, economic, and increasingly military dimensions.

Step by step, Washington helped midwife a coalition architecture designed less to talk Iran into better behavior than to limit what it can actually do with its ideology.​

That distinction is crucial. The current war with Iran has sparked the usual debate over “regime change,” but the point is to reshape the environment so that Iran’s capacity to turn its revolutionary ideology into usable military and coercive power is permanently constrained.

That is a different objective, and it implies a different kind of success: not a celebratory revolution in Tehran, but an Iran that can no longer seriously threaten its neighbors or the global economy.​

The ongoing campaign reflects this logic. The United States and Israel, backed by select regional partners, are systematically targeting Iran’s conventional military infrastructure: airfields, missile depots, IRGC bases, naval assets, and the command-and-control networks that knit together its long-range strike complex.

Iran’s high-end tools, ballistic and cruise missiles, large drone inventories, advanced air defenses, and emerging blue-water naval capabilities, are being degraded faster than they can be regenerated under wartime and sanctions conditions. The regime may survive, as it has before, but its ability to project power is being hollowed out.​

This creates a paradoxical opening: a regime still in place, but stripped of much of its conventional punch, operating in a regional order no longer organized around U.S.–Iran crisis management.

The key question is not “does the regime fall?” but “what structure constrains it going forward?”

In other words, what kind of coalition framework can turn today’s military success into a lasting strategic reality in which Iran’s power projection is suppressed as a matter of routine?​

Three interconnected elements of that framework are already emerging.

First, a GCC-wide integrated air and missile defense architecture is taking shape, allowing Gulf states and Israel to share sensors, warnings, and interceptors against Iranian missiles and drones.

Second, the Abraham Accords are evolving from a diplomatic breakthrough into a militarized security framework, with Israel increasingly plugged into regional exercises, planning, and deterrence postures under the CENTCOM umbrella.

Third, a maritime security compact is forming to deny Iran coercive leverage over the world’s energy and trade arteries, from the Strait of Hormuz to the Red Sea.​

Taken together, these elements are not a crisis-management patch but a durable reordering of the regional security environment. They point toward a concept that can be described as enforced demilitarization, which differs from disarmament in an important way. Disarmament implies negotiation: Iran agrees to give up capabilities in exchange for concessions. Enforced demilitarization implies a structural outcome: Iran’s attempts to rebuild are detected, challenged, and interdicted by a surrounding coalition whose capabilities and political will make sustained Iranian rearmament prohibitively costly.​

In an enforced environment, Tehran does not have to agree to anything for its ambitions to be checked. Whenever it seeks to reconstitute key missile units, rebuild forward naval bases, or re-open weapons pipelines to proxies, it meets a coalition response: intelligence exposure, economic penalties, or direct kinetic disruption.

The goal is not another piece of paper for Iran to violate, but a permanent correlation of forces that keeps Iranian power projection suppressed.​

That coalition already exists in embryonic form. The GCC states, Saudi Arabia, the UAE, Bahrain, Kuwait, Qatar, and Oman, share a compelling interest in a permanently weakened Iran that cannot hold their cities and infrastructure at risk.

Israel, now integrated into CENTCOM and deepening defense cooperation with Gulf partners, contributes the region’s most combat-tested air, missile defense, and intelligence capabilities.

The United States provides the connective tissue: long-range ISR, strategic logistics, high-end strike assets, and the political backing that reassures partners and deters adversaries.

Jordan and Egypt complete the geometry on the western flank, tying the Gulf and Levant into a more coherent defensive arc.​

The strategic opportunity is clear. The United States can reduce its direct policing role even as it strengthens deterrence and protects the global commons by anchoring a coalition that keeps Iranian power in a box.

Instead of alternating between naΓ―ve engagement and open-ended military commitments, Washington can support a regional framework that enforces limits on Iran’s capabilities over time.

The Riyadh speech sketched the outline: the current campaign and coalition architecture are filling it in. The task now is to recognize that the real measure of success is not regime collapse in Tehran, but the continued suppression of Iran’s ability to project power beyond its borders.


The EU at the Narrow Passage


Under the pressure of extreme energy prices, the ideologically driven miscalculations of the EU -- and Germany in particular -- are revealing their fatal, destructive magnitude. Europeans must do everything in their power to make the Strait of Hormuz navigable again.

The Hormuz crisis threatens to become a catastrophe for Europeans. No region is as dependent on oil and gas supplies as Europe, while the United States can operate from a comparatively sovereign position of energy self-sufficiency. Precisely for this reason, Europeans should have a vital interest in securing the Strait of Hormuz militarily in order to safeguard their energy flows.

The geopolitical chessboard is shifting rapidly: U.S. President Donald Trump has raised the question of whether it is even in America’s interest to keep this lifeline open under heightened risk -- a shocking message from a European perspective, yet one that has largely passed without reaction.

From the very beginning of the crisis, the United States has made a decisive move by announcing its push into the maritime insurance business. Following a fourfold increase in premiums and the refusal of key insurers such as Lloyd’s to cover the risks of passage through Hormuz, the United States is now preparing a state-backed reinsurance mechanism to take over this geopolitically crucial sector. In doing so, it will determine who can transit -- and who cannot.

Europe thus finds itself in an increasingly precarious strategic predicament. Militarily, it is largely incapable of acting, and economically, due to its flawed energy policies, it is dependent in multiple ways on external actors -- not least on LNG supplies from the United States.

It fits the pattern that President Trump openly questioned on Wednesday whether the U.S. Navy should ensure the reopening of the Strait of Hormuz at all. Through the leverage of insurance and maritime security, concessions in trade, industrial, and regulatory matters can be extracted in the future. This applies not only to Europe, but also to China.

If the United States succeeds in bringing the Strait of Hormuz under its control, it will effectively set the price Europeans must pay for their energy supplies from this region. Only then will the true cost of Europe’s misguided energy policies become fully apparent.

Modern civilization, which at its core is a derivative of secure and affordable energy supply, rests on a few fundamental pillars: the production of synthetic fertilizers, cement, steel, aluminum, and plastics -- all energy-intensive yet indispensable materials that enable complex economic activity and higher levels of civilization.

That nations or cultures would voluntarily abandon the production of these goods -- by artificially creating scarcity, as is the case in Europe -- is historically almost without precedent.

Brussels is creating artificial shortages in precisely these essential sectors, with dangerous consequences. As an energy-dependent continent, Europe relies on cooperative solutions and should strengthen its internal economy through deregulation and maximum competition in order to produce the goods that make affordable raw material and energy imports possible in the first place. In Germany’s case, these were once automobiles, machinery, and chemical products.

In Brussels, a bureaucratic perpetuum mobile has emerged, one that has translated virtual, narrative-driven processes into real power. Lacking direct democratic legitimacy, the European Commission now operates with its own budget framework, its own bond issuances such as NextGenerationEU bonds, and increasingly acts on behalf of the member states as a mediator on the international stage.

Brussels anchored its political-material power with the establishment of the green transformation project under the agenda name “Green Deal.” This represents a systematic shift of competencies from European capitals to Brussels. With growing financial flows, the central bureaucracy gains control and increasingly intervenes in national legislative processes.

The price is the centralization of energy policy and the corresponding erosion of national sovereignty, along with the destruction of what was once a functioning market design in this critical sector of the economy.

What is happening in Europe -- the ideologically driven, almost naive stance toward Russia, and the refusal to secure oil and gas tankers jointly with the United States under European military escort through the Strait of Hormuz -- carries the potential for an economic catastrophe, particularly for Europe. Fifty-seven percent of its energy is imported, while the United States remains largely energy self-sufficient.

Following the attack on the Pars natural gas field on March 18, the already numerically weakened and structurally degraded forces of the Iranian regime may have lost their final economic lifeline.

From a realistic assessment of military capabilities, there is little doubt that the United States will ultimately prevail in the power struggle over the Strait of Hormuz and the broader Middle East.

What is going on in the minds of political decision-makers in Brussels, Berlin, London, and Paris? How can they fail to recognize the civilizational rupture on the horizon, misreading the warning signs so fundamentally? If the energy supply collapses, the foundations of civilization crumble. Even a basic understanding of causality should make this clear.

Yet this does not appear to apply to German Chancellor Friedrich Merz. Despite the looming energy crisis, he has once again rejected a return to nuclear energy. Germany remains under the sway of globalist ideologues and has already paid a trillion-euro price for undermining its own economic foundations in the name of green dogma.

What should one make of a policy that fails to respond to sabotage against critical energy infrastructure, pours vast resources into a green patronage economy, and simultaneously abandons nuclear energy to secure symbolic victories for a political fringe? EU energy policy has effectively become a civilizational catastrophe -- the product of a political class that places moralism above reason.

Europe would be well advised to pursue a de-ideologized policy and defend the shared interest of a sovereign Europe composed of capable nation-states. In the question of the Strait of Hormuz, everything is being decided in these days. And the American president has repeatedly extended his hand to establish a jointly organized military security framework.

The question is: how long can Europeans afford to continue their current energy policy trajectory? And how much time will pass before Europe’s capitals begin to correctly interpret the imbalance between their geopolitical ambitions and their actual weakness?


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If ‘Temporary Refugees’ Aren’t Removed Now, They Never Will Be


Realistically, this is the last opportunity to deport illegals, while Republicans control all branches of the federal government and public opinion strongly favors border control.



Abright spot in immigration policy, the issue on which President Trump polls the best among his supporters, is the progress being made toward removing so-called refugees from our country. On Monday, Trump won the second of two court victories in March in favor of his policy to roll back the Democrat practice of importing massive numbers of refugees from the Third World.

Upon taking office, President Trump ended the misuse of the refugee program by issuing Executive Order No. 14163, “Realigning the United States Refugee Admissions Program.” Biden had brought in more than 100,000 so-called refugees in fiscal year 2024, which was the highest level in 30 years.

Trump has properly sought to revoke the Temporary Protected Status (TPS) of whole groups of Haitians and Syrians who were brought into our country under the fiction that they were being politically persecuted back home. Haitians famously settled in Springfield and Columbus, Ohio, totaling about 350,000 people nationwide, and Trump won the election by campaigning on sending them and other mislabeled refugees back home.

Haiti is a poor country victimized by crime, but has strict gun control laws that impede the ability of law-abiding residents to defend themselves, and no death penalty to deter murder. Visitors who have valid U.S. gun permits are not allowed to carry their arms in self-defense in Haiti.

As for Syria, the Biden administration and liberals supported the toppling of the Syrian regime in December 2024 while Biden was still president. The theory that allowed thousands of Syrians to remain in our country as refugees from the former Assad regime no longer applies, and it’s time for them to go home.

Yet lower federal courts in liberal New York, Seattle, and Washington, D.C., have stymied the Trump administration’s efforts to revamp Biden’s policies. Trump’s phenomenal solicitor general, John Sauer, applied for emergency relief with the U.S. Supreme Court to stay two of these lower court decisions against Trump, and the 9th Circuit ruled directly for Trump in the third case.

On Monday, the Supreme Court mostly granted Trump’s requested relief by scheduling oral argument on this issue by late April and thereby signaling that a full decision will be rendered by the end of June. While the court did not authorize the immediate removal of these refugees, it appears that their return will become possible by summer.

Earlier this month, in Pacito v. Trump, the 9th Circuit held in favor of Trump’s executive order that halted the flow of so-called refugees into our country. That court recognized the nearly unlimited authority granted by Congress to the president to halt this misguided program.

More good news came from the 1st Circuit concerning the deportation of illegal aliens. Two of the three judges on the panel, including a George W. Bush appointee and a Democrat-appointed judge, ruled that Trump may be allowed to deport an illegal alien to a third country.

As a spokesman for the Department of Homeland Security (DHS) explained in response, “The Biden Administration allowed millions of illegal aliens to flood our country, and the Trump Administration has the authority to remove these criminal illegal aliens and clean up this national security nightmare.”

The DHS spokesman said that if “activist[] judges had their way, aliens who are so uniquely barbaric that their own countries won’t take them back, including convicted murderers, child rapists and drug traffickers, would walk free on American streets.”

Last year, Trump prevailed on this issue in the U.S. Supreme Court, but then the district judge said the facts had changed and continued to block Trump’s deportations to third countries. The district judge wanted a process by which the illegal alien would have a “meaningful opportunity” to object to being deported to another country after his homeland rejects his return.

But the ongoing campaign of deporting illegals has reportedly slowed, and there are reports that someone in the White House has told Republicans not to use the phrase “mass deportation.”

The self-deportation campaign — in which DHS was paying illegal aliens $2,600 each to voluntarily leave through the use of a government phone app — depends on involuntary deportations to be effective. A total of 2.2 million people had self-deported through January of this year, according to DHS, and Democrats were furious about an ad campaign encouraging more illegal aliens to self-deport.

Democrats view illegal aliens as their future voters, as many Somalis have become in Minnesota after obtaining citizenship. Realistically, this is the last opportunity to deport illegals, while Republicans control all branches of the federal government and public opinion strongly favors border control.


Declaring ‘The End Of Trumpism’ Has Never Been A Smart Bet


Time and time again, Trump has defied the odds and the experts — and MAGA has come to expect that.



Christopher Caldwell declared “The end of Trumpism” in the latest issue of The Spectator. But as Donald Trump’s political career has shown, it’s a pronouncement easier made than manifested.

The article goes something like this: The war in Iran is bad, just like a ton of other things Trump has done. The difference this time — Caldwell claims — is that Trump’s “luck” has run out.

“Having Donald Trump as President probably resembles being a heroin addict: you undergo regular episodes of sweating terror and mortal danger, the end result of which is to get you — at best — back to normal. A year ago, the Liberation Day tariffs nearly caused the American economy to seize up, before China mercifully let the matter drop. Then came the even more reckless decision to join Israel in bombing Iran’s Fordow nuclear installation; Iran agreed to halt hostilities just as it was figuring out how to penetrate Israeli airspace with its missiles,” Caldwell wrote.

“But now the President has pressed his luck,” Caldwell continues. “He has joined Israel in a campaign of aerial assassination and bombardment against Iran — this time of an almost incredible violence — and has wound up trapped.”

It’s similar to the claim Carrie Prejean Boller made recently when she asserted that “MAGA is dead.”

“It is deader than dead, and Americans are furious. We don’t recognize President Donald J. Trump anymore,” she said. Prejean Boller lost her place on the White House Religious Liberty Commission in February after she allegedly became disruptive during a hearing on antisemitism.

To be sure, there are legitimate concerns about the war with Iran. As The Federalist’s John Daniel Davidson points out, there seems to be no clearly messaged end goal from the Trump administration. The potential for U.S. ground troop deployment seems more plausible now than ever, and rising oil prices are causing concern.

But having concerns about the war is not the same as MAGA being “dead” or Trump being “trapped.” In fact, one of Trump’s defining political abilities is his ability to come out on top when all the odds are stacked against him.

The media all but guaranteed Americans in 2016 that Hillary Clinton would be the next president. The HuffPost said Trump “has essentially no path to an Electoral College victory” while The New York Times said the probability of Clinton losing is “about the same … as an N.F.L. kicker [missing] a 37-yard field goal.”

Trump went on to win 304 electoral votes while Clinton managed to get 227.

After leaving office in 2021, Trump faced a series of indictments and lawfare, with pundits declaring his political career dead. A Salon op-ed gleefully cheered on the lawfare as a sign that Trump is “done for.” The Ottawa Citizen ran an opinion piece declaring, “It’s not that complicated. Donald Trump is done” in 2023.

Yet Trump went on to win all seven swing states and the popular vote in November of 2024 (after he survived a near assassination).

When it comes to policy, Trump has proven the doubters wrong time and time again. Trump pursued the Abraham Accords and normalization of Middle Eastern relations despite years of insistence from Washington think tanks and insiders that a deal could not get done without first solving the Palestinian issue. Then-Secretary of State John Kerry said as much in 2016: “The Arab countries have made clear that they will not make peace with Israel without resolving the Israeli-Palestinian conflict.” But Trump later got the UAE, Bahrain, Morocco, and Sudan to agree to deals.

Similarly Trump was told he could not move the U.S. embassy to Jerusalem. The Brookings Institution, for example, said in 2017 that moving the embassy would be “dangerous and unwise” and cause “irreparable damage.” But no such “damage” materialized as a result of the move.

Time and time again, Trump has defied the odds and the experts — and MAGA has come to expect that.

Being part of the MAGA coalition requires a high degree of trust in the president, his instincts, and his plans even when things seem to be going awry. That doesn’t mean his plans will always work, especially when there are real and fair concerns. But to declare “MAGA is dead” or this is the “end of Trumpism” is to tacitly admit you have never understood MAGA in the first place.


It’s Not Racist to be a “Culturist”

 It’s Not Racist to be a “Culturist”

In fact, it is racist not to be.

We are living in a time of all-out cultural war.

But you are not supposed to mention that or to talk about it, because you will at once be labelled “racist.”

I will argue, though, that this is a dangerous rhetorical tactic to accept.

I will note that it is racist, in fact, not to face the fact that we are in a battle of cultures.

It is racist, I will argue, to pretend that we are all just bodies that can be moved harmlessly from place to place en masse, and that alien cultures are not threatening to us, and that, as Congresswoman Alexander Ocasio-Cortez put it in Munich, in her effort to rebut Secretary of State Marco Rubio’s warnings about the loss of the West, culture is “thin”.

It is racist to presume that when you transport bodies from Point A to Point B, you have solved the problem of radically and deeply felt, very diverse cultures — which often mean, radically diverse worldviews, gender relations, family organization, and attitudes toward violence.

You have not solved it, as different cultures bring with them radically diverse consciousnesses.

If you study recorded history, you know that most of it has been a war of cultures. Resources were usually at the root of the conflict or conquest, but culture was the mechanism for lasting dominance.

Why was the Roman Empire always suppressing the worship of non-Roman gods? Because of the lingering power of subjugated cultures and deities. When colonized peoples kept their own faith traditions, their own festivals, their own modes of education and dress, they were far more difficult to subdue, and it was far more difficult to maintain a common Empire spanning peoples, languages and geography.

Why were pagan Celtic sacred groves and hilltops in England, renamed for Roman deities, and then eventually renamed, in turn, for Christian saints?

Rulers knew that you had to diminish competing cultures in order to solidify political power.

Part of the Iberian peninsula was held by Islamic forces for 700 years; Jews and Christians lived there under restrictions. 

When King Ferdinand and Queen Isabella secured control, in the 15th century, on behalf of the Catholic Church, of what would become modern Spain, they drove Muslims out. This was the “Reconquista” of 1492. They expelled Jews, forcing the ones who remained to convert, and violently enforced Catholic orthodoxy.

Literally all of history is the history of cultural conflict, and all victors’ stories are the stories of their enforcement of some level of cultural hegemony.

In the modern period, European nations could comfortably strive for equality under law for citizens of all religions, because the cultures of post 1789 modern France or of post-1848 modern Switzerland or of post-1861 modern Italy were relatively homogenous and strong.

In all of this, America shone as an extraordinary example and exception among nations: we were founded not upon a native, ancient tribal identity such as “Italian” or “French”, but upon an ideology of freedom and the rule of law. Nonetheless, our culture of liberty was so strong and unifying, that we could absorb people from many different countries and identities, and turn them all into — Americans.

Additionally, for most of our history, the people who sought to immigrate to America wanted deeply to join in that ideology of freedom, and longed above all to become truly American.

Then came the 21st century, and we witnessed and are witnessing an experiment in nation-altering that has never taken place before in human history.

It has certainly never taken place successfully.

Millions of people from other, very different cultures and ideologies — people who in these cases were not particularly motivated by an attraction to the ideals of Western Europe or of the United States; indeed, in many cases, who overtly stated that they hated those ideals, and who stood in warrior-like opposition to them — were airlifted into those nations, or shipped in wholesale; by globalist interests; to be resettled in Western Europe and Canada and in the United States.

Never, ever, ever has a nation in recorded history, ancient or modern, survived the wholesale importation of millions of outsiders from alien cultures that are hostile to the values of the host culture.

Can you name one?

Any Babylonian in the 7th century BCE; any Spartan or Athenian in the 5th Century BCE; any Christian living in Constantinople in the 4th century, or riding to the Holy Land for the Crusades in the 13th Century — would have looked on all of this with horror, knowing exactly what would happen.

He or she would have known what would happen, because this knowledge has been part of conflict in human history for as long as humans have walked the planet.

The host culture, of course, would be overrun, its nation altered beyond recognition, and it would soon collapse; its centers of worship, its houses, squares and walled cities, would all be inhabited and built over by the incomers; its statues would be toppled, its coins and artwork defaced, its cemeteries and altars would be given over to weeds and vines.

But somehow today you can’t raise concerns about any of this, as you will be silenced with the epithet, “Racist.”

It is urgent to reject this sneaky rhetorical framing, that is engineered to guarantee supineness in the host nations that are being deliberately overrun in order to collapse them.

It is urgent to embrace and defend the position that none of this concern has anything to do with race; and that indeed it is not racist to be “culturist.” It is okay — it is even now, urgently necessary — to be culturist.

Here is what I mean:

I was lying, last summer, on a beach towel. I was wearing a bathing suit. I was resting on the green grassy slope that faces a still lake located about fifteen minutes from our house in the Hudson Valley.

The lake is in a little wilderness area, a public state park. Evergreens clothe the low hills that form a backdrop to the grassy slopes that surround the water. There is a little snack bar. There is a little brick set of changing rooms.

It is a bucolic little American setting, unchanged for decades.

I have gone to that state park for 23 years.

When I was a single mother, I often brought my kids, as it was so pleasant and safe. My then-small son would join other delighted little boys in chasing the schools of guppies, that flickered tantalizingly in the shallow wading area. My then-young daughter would quietly fill her bucket with sand, or work out the elaborate relationships between her stuffed animals, that we had brought from home.

Other parents and children rested or played near us. The lily pads swayed. The sun rippled on the deep green water.

Older people might chat briefly about the weather, as you passed by to and from the snack bar or the water, smiling at you from their lawn chairs.

Young couples shared beers after long weeks of hard work.

Sometimes in those days I would bring our dog, stubby-legged little Mushroom. He would lie next to us on the beach towel, and nap in the sun, or look solemnly at the birds rising and descending over the water.

It was utterly peaceful, there was no conflict, and I was afraid of nothing.

My children feared nothing. No one judged me. No one said, Where is your husband? No one disapproved of me, or approved of me. It was no one’s job to control or monitor me.

We were all Americans together. We shared values so closely we hardly noticed what we were sharing. We did not have to discuss or defend it.

We were free.

The stillness and peace and calmness and safety of American freedom, shared among other Americans in a public setting, is something so precious and unique you scarcely notice it — until it is gone.

But there I was, as I say, last summer, sunbathing and reading, in my bright green bathing suit. It was a fairly modest, one-piece bathing suit.

My kids were grown now, and I was alone with Loki. Brian had left for a while to do an errand, and would pick me up later.

Suddenly I felt Loki tug at the leash. I looked up and saw that a four-year-old girl, in full Afghani dress — a long pink cotton gown with long sleeves, draped over white trousers — was pulling away from her father. She was enchanted at the sight of Loki.

To my left, I saw that there was a group of Afghani nationals who appeared to have recently arrived. They stood around a picnic table, the women working on setting up the meal.

Their clothing was all apparently hand-sewn, as if they had not been in this country long enough to change out of what they had brought with them.

There were three women; it was difficult to tell their ages, as they were heavily swaddled, in what must have been 90 degree heat.

The women’s faces were covered with black Niqabs; their heads swathed in black; their long white and grey gowns revealed additional layers of fabric underneath. Their arms were covered down to the fingers.

They looked over at me and Loki — longingly? Resentfully? It was impossible to tell — as they set out food on the picnic table.

An elderly man in white trousers and a tunic, with a white beard, stood guard, as it seemed, over the women. A younger man — in his late thirties? The father of the little girl — and a second white-bearded man, were both, I saw, now standing at some distance from Loki and me.

The little girl pulled harder on her father’s hand, as she, naturally, wanted to pet Loki. I sat up, prepared to say the pleasant things you say as a dog owner to a parent, when a child wants to pet your pup.

Then I saw the father drag his daughter angrily away from Loki, as she protested.

The white-bearded man, though, walked right up to me. He confronted me, standing at the very edge of my beach towel.

There was a weird moment in which we looked speechlessly into each other’s eyes.

I waited. I wasn’t moving. I wasn’t leaving.

Then he looked at my legs, my bare arms, my entire body, and then at my dog, with absolutely undisguised hatred and contempt.

For what seemed like long minutes, he communicated wordlessly, standing now entirely in my physical space, glaring at me with a stony hostility, almost rage, a fury that I have never before experienced — that he thoroughly disapproved of everything about me at that moment.

Then he turned away, back to his better-behaved, more appropriately-clothed women.

I was shocked. His hostility had been so palpable and so intense — and had in it such a flavor of his sense of privilege to judge me, his sense of his own righteousness and my folly and shame — that I had a moment of disorientation and had to check in on myself.

Was I in fact behaving, and dressed, appropriately?

I reminded myself that according to the mores and values of my American culture in that American place, everything I was doing — the way I was dressed, even my being alone and unescorted as a woman — even the presence of my pet dog – was perfectly culturally appropriate.

Then I saw his son or son-in-law, the younger man, who had by now walked into the water, where children were swimming and wading.

The younger man was wearing his white under-robe.

Since I had last looked his way, he had left the four-year-old girl back at the picnic table with the women, and he was now holding a six-month-old baby, who was wearing nothing but a diaper.

I braced myself: is he going to check the baby’s diaper before he puts the baby into the water? I wondered.

He did not check the baby’s diaper. There was no woman of his near enough to him, to remind him. But, enjoying the cool depths around him that were soaking his robe, sure enough, the man dipped the baby, full diaper or clean diaper, diaper and all, right into the water. All around him swam kids; they were ducking their heads underwater, taking water in their mouths and spewing it like little whales, and splashing about, as kids do.

Within minutes, the other parents had called their children out of the water, which may or may not at this point have been contaminated with fecal matter.

The man in his robe, and his baby, now had the lovely cool water entirely to themselves.

Neither of these men, it was clear, was thinking: “What are the norms of this place in which I now find myself? I will learn about them and conform to them.”

I felt awful, and the kids lost their wading area.

There had been a silent clash of cultures.

The values of the newcomers had won out.

We, the Americans, had lost out.

This all was, of course, a metaphor.

#####

Every day I bump up against the fact that many of the other cultures that are crowding en masse into our own culture, do not share our cultural values.

When I took a trip to DC by train, I paid for a purchase at the Moynihan Train Hall CVS. I asked politely for a bag.

The cashier ignored me. I asked again, politely.

“I heard you the first time,” she snapped.

It was an unpleasant moment, and one that no courtesy of mine could have avoided.

In American culture, you acknowledge, even with a grunt, when you hear someone. By ignoring a request, though, a little moment that could have been pleasant or neutral, turned into a moment of conflict.

I have had many, many experiences of getting into Lyfts or Ubers and asking drivers who are immigrants from certain West African countries, to take a specific route. I am always braced now when I do so, as about 90 per cent of the time, there will be an argument.

Sometimes it is a scary argument, with gesticulating and shouting on the part of the driver; the gist of which is that the driver knows what he is doing, and who am I to tell him the better route?

I have come to the conclusion that men in certain West African cultures, do not culturally accept women giving them directions.

UN Women Africa, West and Central Africa, states that “while legal frameworks exist to empower women [in West and Central Africa], the daily reality for many remains a struggle against traditional power structures that limit their access to rights and decision-making roles.”

UN Women declares further:

“Women’s leadership and participation estimated by political representation in parliament averages at 11.6%. Women are excluded from issues and decisions that affect their lives, mainly due to high poverty levels, illiteracy and patriarchy. […] Women have limited access to productive assets and market opportunities. The religious and cultural context exhibits tension between customary law and formal legislation. In that context cases of VAWG [violence against women and girls] are widespread with little or no access to justice. […] Violence against women is still a serious problem with high prevalence of rape and harmful traditional practices. Incidence of FGM [female genital mutilation], early and forced marriages and torture of widows still occur (CAR, Cameroon, DRC, Gabon and Chad), denying young women and girls equality of opportunities, as well as leading to high rate of maternal mortality.” 

If women in Guinea Bessau, Liberia, Mali, Niger, Nigeria, Republic of Guinea, Senegal and Sierra Leone do not have decision-making powers, or the effective legal right not to be beaten or raped in their own home nations, why should my stepping, with my American female self, into a man’s cab, if he hails from these regions, change his entire world view and orientation about women and decisionmaking?

It is foolish, and kind of demeaning of the power and depth of his worldview, to assume that my mere Western presence changes everything that a man from these regions is likely to believe about the status of women in relation to his own right to dominate them.

I repeat that this concern of mine about the treatment of women by many men from West and Central African cultures — a concern that also preoccupies the UN, and NGOs led by Central and West African women themselves, in countries in that region — is not a racist one, but a “culturist” one.

How can the treatment of many women by many West and Central African men be a racist concern if many Central and West African women and NGOs are also concerned about it?

Later on that same trip, I was seated in the food hall at Union Station in DC. A couple was about twenty feet away from me; the woman was listening to a loud conversation on her cellphone, at top volume. I was seated a few feet away and was trying to read.

I waited for the conversation to end. It didn’t, so I caught her eye, smiled, made the universal “do you mind turning down the volume?” gesture, and smiled again. She smiled back, immediately turned down the volume, and made the universal “Sorry!” expression.

It was a completely pleasant and peaceful exchange.

The man she was with, however, a West African man, immediately started shouting at me, and gesticulating. “This is an exaggeration! You are exaggerating! The volume is not too loud! It is not up to you to decide the volume! There is plenty of room for you to move far away from us!” and so on. The woman, who was African-American, sought to shush her boyfriend, and then made the universal “Sorry my boyfriend is a jerk” face at me. I shrugged; we smiled at each another again — I made the universal ”hey, we’ve all been there” expression – and I went on my way.

The man was still shouting, and the woman was still trying to calm him down.

I tell this anecdote at some risk of venturing into taboo territory, because to me it shows clearly that worrying about these cultural incompatibilities of importing West African gender norms into America, is not racist.

The woman who reacted pleasantly to my request about her phone volume, was black. The man who was abusive to me, was also black. I am white.

But our respective races were, in my view at least, utterly not the point.

Her cultural choices about how to handle the moment, were American, as were mine. His choice about how to handle the moment, was not.

My point is that when every path-crossing, every request at an adjustment or every effort to compromise, turns into a moment of hostility or an escalated conflict, you immediately lose the coherent fabric of a society that has spent centuries developing ways to resolve conflict, and to adjust competing social requests and expectations, peaceably.

A day that had, in a coherent Western culture, previously been full of people pleasantly enough making way for one another, or reaching compromises, or at least working things out, turns into a minefield pitting one against one against one, territorially, forever.

And if you import into a Western context millions of men who immediately escalate conflict with women — because that is their culture — then immediately, the status of the women in that host society is downgraded; and they lose rights, scope and mobility, as they seek to get through their days avoiding explosions, conflicts, or worse.

Here is why it is racist to assume that you can simply put that furious Afghani patriarch on a plane and drop him in the middle of the Hudson valley, or put that irritable West African man on a plane to DC. It is racist to assume that they and their fellow Afghani or West African men will immediately become “evolved” American men, and will treat Western or American women with what we see as respect, no matter how we are dressed, or even if we have dogs with us, or even if we ask for a different taxi route or, Heaven forbid, even if we ask for a lower volume on a nearby phone.

It is racist to assume that simply being physically in the West dissolves alien cultures’ home values and ideologies.

Clearly it does not.

It is racist to assume that Western cultures are so powerful and so “right” that they immediately or even quickly dilute the mores of Afghanistan, in which women have no right to education or property; that they dilute the values of Niger or Liberia or Sierra Leone. The latter is a country in which rape is so common that when I was there reporting on the end of the civil war, NGOs had invested a lot of money putting up billboards trying to persuade men in general not to rape women in general.

I think it is racist to assume that simply living suddenly in the Hudson Valley, will dissolve or erase decades of Afghani teachings presented to that stony-eyed white-bearded man that women are chattel, and that they must be covered from head to toe.

If you drop me in Afghanistan, I may soon acquire the dress and language skills, better to fit in. But in ten years, I will no doubt still believe in the rights of individuals; in religious freedom; and I will still believe that women have the same human rights as do men.

I will still believe in those things because that is my worldview, which is deeper than any site change or any change in language and dress.

Why should it be otherwise for the Afghani patriarch who finds himself and his family one day on a Hudson Valley lakeside? In ten years, he will probably still believe that it is his job to shame and police my body, my being accompanied by my dog, and my freedom to loll around on a beach towel as I choose, without a man nearby.

Why should I expect my views to be any longer or more deeply held than his own?

The world views of many men in Afghanistan, or in Central and West Africa, are deep, powerfully held world-views. They don’t vanish simply because many of these men encounter the Constitution, or Hollywood movies, or meet Western career women, or find themselves and their families in Pennsylvania or Michigan or New York or Maine.

It is racist to assume that they will.

#####

So I hope I have shown you — that we are in a battle for our lives.

There is nothing racist about waging this battle.

You can throw open the gates of the West to people who deeply believe that women are less, or that escalated conflict is a standard part of social negotiation; but there is no reason in history, to think that your own culture will survive all of this.

You will be the slaves and the chattel.

Your culture of equality, law, tolerance, good humor and civility, will become a memory.

Then the memory itself will die out.

And when that happens, and it will happen quickly —

It will have nothing to do with your race, either.