Friday, March 20, 2026

The Politics of Confusion


Every functioning society requires two pillars that support both intellectual progress and political stability: standards and language. Standards allow us to measure performance, competence, and improvement. Language allows us to think clearly and communicate meaningfully with one another. When either of these deteriorates, confusion follows. When both deteriorate at the same time, the consequences extend far beyond the classroom.

Over the past several decades, measurable standards in American education have steadily declined. National assessments show that reading proficiency among students has stagnated or fallen. Mathematics scores have declined at every level. At many universities, remedial courses now teach material that previous generations mastered in high school -- or even earlier. Yet even as performance falls, grades themselves have risen, creating the strange spectacle of a system in which achievement declines while evaluation improves. When standards are lowered, the false impression of success is more easily declared.

In earlier eras, grades were meant to reflect mastery of a subject. Today they often function more like participation trophies. The result is that a “B” today may represent a level of understanding that once earned a “C” or worse. Such inflation creates the comforting illusion of progress while quietly eroding the meaning of academic evaluation. This decline of standards goes beyond grades, increasingly extending to language itself.

Words once had relatively stable meanings that allowed people to communicate ideas clearly. When someone used a word like “racism,” for example, it traditionally referred to the belief that one race was inherently superior to another. That definition allowed the concept to be widely understood and widely condemned.

In recent years, however, the word has been redefined in ways that detach it from individual belief and attach it instead to abstract systems of power. Under some modern definitions, racism is said to require institutional authority, meaning that individuals in certain groups cannot be racist by definition. Regardless of whether one agrees with that interpretation, the effect is unmistakable: the same word now carries fundamentally different meanings depending on who is using it.

Communication becomes difficult when people are not even using the same dictionary. The definition of racism intended by one man is not necessarily that understood by another man.

The same pattern appears in discussions of gender. For centuries, the terms “male” and “female” referred to biological categories rooted in reproductive biology. Today those terms are often treated as social constructs separate from biological sex, with language expanding to include dozens of gender identities. Again, the issue here is not merely one of agreement or disagreement with new theories. The deeper issue is the growing instability of language itself. When definitions become fluid, communication becomes muddled. Without accurate communication, the ability to reason becomes near impossible.

Clear thinking depends on stable concepts. If the meaning of words shifts depending on political preference or ideological fashion, arguments can be won not by evidence but by redefining the terms of debate. This creates a peculiar form of intellectual fog in which disagreements persist not because the evidence is unclear, but because the language itself has lost precision.

In practical terms, this leads to conversations in which participants appear to be debating the same topic while actually discussing entirely different concepts. Such confusion has consequences beyond academic seminars or social media arguments. It affects the democratic process itself.

Democracy depends upon the ability of citizens to evaluate policies, understand arguments, and hold leaders accountable. This requires both educational competence and linguistic clarity. If large numbers of citizens struggle with reading comprehension, their ability to evaluate complex policy proposals diminishes. If political language becomes deliberately ambiguous, voters will likely be confused about what policies actually mean.

In other words, declining standards in education weaken the capacity for informed judgment, while declining standards in language obscure the very issues that require judgment. These two trends reinforce one another.

A population with weaker reading skills is more vulnerable to slogans, emotional appeals, and simplistic narratives. At the same time, political actors who benefit from ambiguity have incentives to blur definitions further. Words like “equity,” “justice,” or “democracy” can be stretched to mean almost anything -- and therefore nothing in particular. When language becomes elastic, accountability becomes elusive.

Consider how political debates are often framed today. Policies are rarely described in terms of their trade-offs or costs. Instead, they are packaged under morally appealing labels. A policy becomes “anti-racist,” “pro-democracy,” or “protective.” Those who question it may then be portrayed as opposing the virtue embedded in the label itself. This rhetorical maneuver becomes far easier when words have lost precise definitions.

If “racism,” for example, can mean anything from explicit racial hatred to statistical disparities between groups, then accusations of racism can be deployed with extraordinary flexibility. Similarly, if “democracy” is defined simply as any policy outcome one favors, then opponents of that policy can be portrayed as enemies of democracy itself.

A functioning democracy requires disagreement. Citizens must be able to challenge policies without being accused of moral treason. But when language becomes a weapon rather than a tool for understanding, debate becomes polarized and tribal.

A society that abandons objective measures of performance inevitably struggles to distinguish competence from mediocrity. If educational credentials no longer reliably signal knowledge or ability, institutions may begin substituting other criteria -- political loyalty, ideological conformity, or demographic characteristics.

None of this suggests that standards should remain frozen forever or that language can never evolve. Languages have always changed over time, and educational methods must adapt to new circumstances. But change that increases clarity is very different from change that promotes confusion.

Lowering standards to avoid uncomfortable outcomes does not eliminate those outcomes. It only hides them. Similarly, redefining words to win arguments does not resolve disagreements. It simply makes those disagreements harder to understand.

Democracy depends upon citizens who can read critically, think logically, and communicate clearly. It depends upon institutions that reward competence rather than sentiment. And it depends upon a shared language in which words carry meanings stable enough to permit genuine debate. When educational standards decline and linguistic precision erodes, those foundations weaken.

The danger goes far beyond academic confusion. The danger is a public discourse in which slogans substitute for clarity and evidence is replaced by assertion. When that happens, the democratic process becomes less a marketplace of ideas and more a contest of narratives -- where the side most skilled at manipulating language gains advantage over the side most grounded in reality. 


Podcast thread for March 20

 


What a day

The Shadow War Against President Trump


The joint American-Israeli military operation against the Iranian regime is now three weeks old, but there is another war — a more silent one — raging here on the home front. President Donald Trump's second administration is facing a highly coordinated shadow war — one waged both by some influential outside voices on the Right and, more dangerously, by their subversive allies within Trump's very own government.

If this campaign is not confronted and decisively defeated, the result will be calamitous: a second Trump term that drifts into lame-duck status not due to a voter backlash but because of an insurrection from within. What this column has previously referred to as "Operation Divide MAGA" has reached a fever pitch. And Trump, to his great credit, has begun to settle all the MAGA family business. But an even more concerted effort is needed to clean out the Augean Stables once and for all.

First, let's take a step back.

In any healthy political coalition or movement, debate is inevitable and often desirable. But what we have seen from certain high-profile podcasters, such as Tucker Carlson and Megyn Kelly, is nothing less than a full-scale assault on Trump and his agenda. These provocateurs first outed themselves last summer, when they all but accused Trump of covering up a global (Mossad-tied?) pedophile ring over his Justice Department's handling of the Epstein files. But above all, the podcasters' subversion has focused on foreign policy — most recently, on Iran and Operation Epic Fury.

Trump is a conservative nationalist. His foreign policy is rooted in confidence and "peace through strength"-style deterrence. Yet Carlson, Kelly and their fellow travelers have blasted the Iran conflict as everything from "evil" (Carlson) to "clearly Israel's war" (Kelly). The not-so-dynamic duo is thus accusing the man they quite literally campaigned for in 2024 of engaging in heinous acts and of being the unwitting dupe of a foreign government.

True, Carlson and Kelly do not actually speak for the MAGA base: A brand-new poll from J.L. Partners shows that 83 percent of Republican voters support Epic Fury. Moreover, Republicans agree with Trump over Carlson and Kelly on foreign policy by a whopping 84 percent  to 6 percent margin. But still: Their platforms are enormous. When Carlson, Kelly and their allies consistently excoriate the leading priorities of the administration they purport to support, the effect is Republican voter confusion, resentment and depression as we head toward November in a midterm election year.

Even worse, the shadow war subversives are not merely shouting into their microphones from the rafters. They have allies inside the administration, with whom they are all but assuredly coordinating, engaging in outright sabotage against the one man — the president of the United States — who was actually elected to wield the "executive Power" of the federal government and serve as commander in chief.

The most alarming developments are emerging from within the Office of the Director of National Intelligence, Tulsi Gabbard. A former Democratic congresswoman with a pro-Moscow slant once seen as a heterodox ally, Gabbard now oversees an environment that increasingly bears the markings of an anti-MAGA coup.

Take Gabbard's recent rehiring of Dan Caldwell. Dismissed last year by his (former longtime friend) Secretary of War Pete Hegseth amid allegations of leaking, Caldwell is now back in a highly sensitive role. Leaks of this nature are not bureaucratic slip-ups; they are direct assaults on national security and the integrity of the constitutional chain of command. It is difficult to interpret the isolationist-leaning Gabbard's move as anything other than a direct shot across the bow at Hegseth — and, by extension, the boss Hegseth has so passionately defended since Epic Fury began, Trump.

Consider also Joe Kent, who until recently served under Gabbard as director of the National Counterterrorism Center. Kent resigned this week in flamboyant fashion, rationalizing his stunt with hyper-conspiratorial, antisemitic rhetoric better suited for a Code Pink rally than government letterhead. Within hours after tendering his resignation, Kent announced he would be joining — who else? — Carlson to tell his story. An alleged serial leaker, Kent is now under FBI investigation for spilling national security secrets. Unsurprisingly, Iranian regime propaganda television gobbled up the interview and regurgitated it for an impressionable English-speaking audience.

That Kent came to Carlson's platform to try to get ahead of the FBI investigation revelation is no coincidence. It is all orchestrated. After being fired by Hegseth last year, Caldwell similarly ran to Carlson to tell his side of the story. Moreover, one of Caldwell's higher-ranking colleagues at ODNI, Will Ruger, shares Caldwell's professional background in the isolationist Koch network. Surprise!

The White House Presidential Personnel Office, formerly directed by ex-Rand Paul staffer Sergio Gor (since shipped halfway around the world to India), has allowed in individuals across the defense, intelligence and national security spaces that are functionally anti-MAGA. Perhaps this was done for self-serving reasons. Perhaps Gor and PPO were under the understanding that MAGA is something other than what the boss says it is. Frankly, it does not really matter.

Because the boss has now spoken. He's cast Carlson and Kelly out of MAGA in emphatic fashion. And after Kent's obnoxious resignation stunt, Trump said of those (like Kent) who do not believe Iran is a threat to the United States: "We don't want those people." Translation: Get out. The message could not possibly be clearer.

But is Trump's PPO listening? Is Gabbard's ODNI fully in line? Gabbard, in Senate testimony this week, couldn't bring herself to agree with her boss's assessment that Iran posed an "imminent threat" prior to the launch of Epic Fury.

It's time for the president to team up with White House Chief of Staff Susie Wiles and other arch-loyalists, such as Deputy Chief of Staff Stephen Miller, and clean house. The internal anti-MAGA sabotage must be ended, and the external anti-MAGA sabotage must be combated. The success of the remainder of Trump's second term hangs in the balance.


Leftism, Not Masculinity, Is Toxic

Leftism, Not Masculinity, Is Toxic

Being masculine is a good thing.

J. B. Shurk for American Thinker 


For fifteen years now, we have witnessed a social event that has never before occurred in human history: an outright attack on masculinity.  As someone who sees human history repeating various cycles (some longer or more complex than others) — and not steadily “progressing” or “evolving” in a straight, predictable line — I find the uniqueness of this war on men a troubling indictment of our current age.  

Masculinity is not synonymous with violence.  To be sure, violent men are an indispensable component of every emerging civilization.  Before the poets have time to speak of virtue and before a class of politicians exists to speak of civic duty, men who are capable of violence must vanquish enemies, intimidate competitors, and move the heavy stones that form every civilization’s foundations.  

For civilizations to flourish, however, the majority of men must lay down their axes and swords and sublimate any violent instincts into the construction of permanent settlements.  When tribes of warriors become guilds of workers, amazing things happen.  Men build walls to keep out enemies.  They construct freshwater wells and sewer systems to reduce the spread of disease and promote general sanitation.  Over time, they become experts with wood, stone, marble, and steel.  They build homes, factories, cathedrals, and skyscrapers.  They channel their masculinity into strenuous, and usually dangerous, work that transforms small encampments into towns, cities, and metropolises.

Just as men put their weapons aside to build permanent settlements, they put their proclivity for violence aside to build societies.  Honor codes and customs restrain violent impulses.  Over time, those codes and customs become agreed-upon rules and laws.  Those laws form the foundations of institutions that provide a peaceful recourse for otherwise violent disagreements.  Men who were, by necessity, forced to defend their own lives (and those of their families) and strike down other men who posed threats to their safety agree to surrender vengeance in exchange for a reliable system of shared laws.  Swords are exchanged for writs.  Lawsuits replace duels.  Whereas once every man was “judge, jury, and executioner” within his domain, societies emerge when men trade those responsibilities for the prospect of general peace.

Masculinity is a great thing.  Without it, none of what we have today could exist.  To be a man is to know that something dangerous must be done and to do it.  To be a man is to fight (even though you may die), to defend (even though it may not be your life that you’re defending), and to build (even when blood and calluses are your only rewards).  To be a man is to have enough force of will to keep aggression in check and to have enough courage to be aggressive when violence is necessary.  A good man must work all his life to remain so.

For at least fifteen years, though, the left has been in a rhetorical war against what Marx’s disciples call “toxic masculinity.”  As with everything the left does, this is a linguistic sleight of hand.  It is meant to define masculinity as a “pollutant” or “disease.”  Leftists pulled the same trick by calling hydrocarbon energies “fossil fuels” and carbon dioxide (the molecule we humans exhale with each breath) a “pollutant.”  The left attaches pejoratives to people, things, and ideas that it dislikes and uses repetition to program society into believing falsehoods.  When an impressionable mind hears the words “toxic masculinity” enough times, there is a subliminal effect: The listener equates masculinity with something poisonous, unwanted, and deadly.

When Delta Force operators infiltrated Venezuela’s most fortified compound to extract narco-terrorist dictator NicolΓ‘s Maduro earlier this year, were they exhibiting “toxic masculinity”?  When a fireman exits an explosive structure fire with a mother in his arms and a child hanging around his neck, is that “toxic masculinity”?  When work crews endure excruciating heat to pave roads, mine for critical resources, and build new homes, is their masculinity “toxic”?  When the U.S. men’s Olympic hockey squad smiled broadly (with plenty of missing teeth) at the State of the Union after upsetting the Canadians, were they suffering from “toxic masculinity”?  When a minister stands before his congregation and leads the faithful down the path toward salvation, is his calling just another form of “toxic masculinity”?  Of course not.  To endure, societies require authentic masculinity.

Masculinity is not the problem.  The problem is whether men choose to use their natures in virtuous ways.  Some men capable of violence use physical strength to rape and murder.  Others use their strength to put those monsters behind bars.  Some men intimidate and harass those who are weaker than they.  Others intervene and put themselves in harm’s way for strangers.  Some men can’t be bothered to hold open a door, give up a seat, walk next to the street, or offer an extra pair of hands.  Others do it before being asked.  As with all things we humans do, strength of moral character is the quality that shapes and defines our actions.  Masculinity is not “toxic.”  It is an instrument for virtue or a weapon for wickedness.

Leftists are incapable of honestly describing masculinity because they are incapable of honestly differentiating between virtue and sin.  They have chosen to construct a gray world in which evil acts are sometimes justified. 

For example, leftists want open borders.  They believe that every foreigner is entitled to enter the United States.  To accomplish this objective, they are willing to ignore, if not condone, acts of horrific violence.  They say nothing when illegal aliens abduct, rape, and murder young girls.  They block ICE agents from arresting known pedophiles.  They turn human-traffickers into heroes and treat terrorist sympathizers as celebrities.  They are incapable of condemning foreign men who murder Americans with drugs.  They are unwilling to admit that foreign truck drivers are dangerous to everyone else on the road.  For leftists, the issue of open borders is more important than saving American lives.  Protecting illegal immigrants supersedes what is right or wrong.  The ends always justify the means.

In such a world, leftists cannot condemn vice.  Everything is relative.  Morality is negotiable.  Virtue is meaningless unless it can be used to advance “the cause.”  They blame guns, not murderers.  They blame Islamophobia, not Islamic terrorists.  They blame toxic masculinity, not sin.  Leftists paint with broad brushes because they lack (or ignore their capacity for) moral discernment.  It is much easier to condemn all men as “bad” than to consider what qualities make some men heroes and others villains.

What makes the left’s war on men particularly destructive, then, is that it not only demonizes masculinity, but also ignores moral character.  Society needs both.  It depends upon masculine men to do what is needed, even when doing so is difficult, dangerous, and deadly.  It also depends upon men to channel their masculinity in virtuous ways, so that the structures and institutions of civilization are built and preserved — not abandoned and carelessly destroyed.  

Being a man is a good thing.  Being masculine is a good thing.  It is leftism that is irredeemably toxic.


Image via Pexels.



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MAGA Isn’t Dying Because Of The Iran War


What force, movement, or personality is rising in American politics, or anywhere, that becomes dominant and shoves Trumpism aside?



Politics requires you to engage in the act of choosing, usually between a variety of poor to bad options. If you reject X, you’re necessarily choosing Not-X. If you’re not frozen as a perpetual adolescent, you know that politics isn’t going to save you, and you understand that a frequently pretty good elected official is a better choice than a repulsive and evil elected official. You’re not marking a ballot to usher in utopia, because you know that utopia isn’t on a ballot.

So the issue of The Spectator that declares “MAGA’s demise” and offers a long article on “the end of Trumpism” is missing at least half the argument. “There is already evidence,” an editorial declares, “that his successful coalition, representing as it did a number of independents and former Democrats, is coming apart.” You can read the longer essay on Trumpism from Christopher Caldwell here.

As you read it, look for the part where Caldwell says what’s rising in its place. Trumpism is dying, so (fill in blank) is about to replace it. The coalition is coming apart, so it’s being pulled toward (here’s another blank). Spoiler alert: It isn’t there.

Someone who tells you that X is dying without explaining what Not-X is going to be hasn’t actually made an argument that X is dying.

If the war in Iran goes on too long, and if it doesn’t end with clear success on military and political terms, which is how it’s looking, MAGA will be hurt. The coalition of people who formed around Donald Trump’s promise of a political focus on the health of America and Americans will be injured by disappointment, and possibly seriously injured by profound disappointment. But something has to come next, or the thing can’t die. There has to be something else competing for the loyalty of the Trump coalition. And I would bet my life that it doesn’t exist.

A European leadership class is appalled by the repulsive and boorish Mean Orange Man, and they jeer him endlessly and smirk while he speaks. Also, German Chancellor Friedrich Merz recently acknowledged that his country’s decision to end the use of nuclear power was a disaster, one that caused significant energy scarcity, painfully high energy costs, and a growing trend of national deindustrialization. “It was a serious strategic mistake to phase out nuclear energy,” he said. “So now we are undertaking the most expensive energy transition in the entire world.”

Meanwhile, former Chancellor Angela Merkel has been shrugging at interviewers and not quite acknowledging that her decision to welcome a massive and sudden influx of Muslim refugees who caused a rape crisis … maaaaaaay have been a less-than-ideal choice? “Wir schaffen das” turns out to be an epitaph. Merkel said the quiet part out loud this month, urging migrants to vote against her party’s political opponents. She imported voters, and hey, anyway, sorry about all the other stuff.

If you hated Germany, regarded yourself as an enemy of the German people, and wanted to harm the country, could you do anything worse to it than the German government has already done?

Name any critic of Trumpism who actually governs something, and you’ll find a long line of comparable disasters. In California, capital flight is accelerating as billionaires flee a proposed tax on their net worth, a desperate measure to prop up a functionally insolvent state with a massive social services fraud problem where government spending has grown far faster than the population.

A high-speed rail line approved by voters in 2008 to connect Los Angeles and San Francisco is turning into a $100 billion-plus boondoggle that may eventually connect the Central Valley cities of Bakersfield and Merced, but only with a sharply reduced “high-speed” service that has long stretches of limited capacity. California’s blue-state transportation failures are metastasizing, spreading decay and collapse everywhere as costs soar in dying systems.

To see what the Blue Model of governance can offer, take a look at this week’s discussion of California’s “wildlife bridge,” a $114 million concrete overpass across a freeway that’s supposed to offer mountain lions an extended range and better breeding ground options. You’ll be shocked to hear that the project is wildly over budget, far behind schedule, and has turned into an employment scam for a bunch of far-left AWFLs. This update from one of the project’s leaders isn’t parody:



So Trumpism is dying, and here’s the alternative model that can fill the vacuum: Merkelism. Newsomism. Giant stranded concrete structures that do nothing, but cost a fortune, in a field of crumbling infrastructure. The high-tax, high-fraud, low-service model that bankrupts states and nations while building nothing successfully. Tent cities, mass rape, sharia zones, groomer gangs, insolvency.

What is the alternative to Trumpism? What’s the rising political model? Klobucharism? Romneyism? Bushism? Talaricoism? Kamala Harris runs again and wins? What force, movement, or personality is rising in American politics, or anywhere, that becomes dominant and shoves Trumpism aside?

If there’s not something else, you probably get more of what you have. And there just isn’t something else. MAGA sustained considerable disappointment during the last Trump presidency, as Trump bizarrely gave a platform to the degenerate elf Anthony Fauci during a pandemic that ushered in an endless series of bureaucratic failures caused by arrogance and overreach. The actual alternative was President Joe Biden, followed by the fascinating choice of President Kamala Harris. And so here we are.

There’s more to say about Caldwell’s argument, but I’m mostly not going to parse every paragraph. I’ll just say this: He depicts the war as an Israeli trick, a scheme by Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu to trap America in a war that has nothing to do with American interests: “What American priorities are Kushner and Witkoff advancing?”

But Caldwell doesn’t mention America’s history with the Iranian theocracy, or of the long contest over the Strait of Hormuz, and omits an analysis of, for example, the Tanker War of the 1980s. He doesn’t discuss Operation Praying Mantis, a massive and sustained American attack on the Iranian navy in 1988. Did the Zionists trick us into that one, too? Open Caldwell’s piece and Control-F “hostages” or “Beirut bombing.” There are no results. Suddenly, in 2026, cruel Zionists tricked America into thinking it was in some kind of conflict with Iran. You can make an argument against the current war without stranding it in an ahistorical vacuum.

The war in Iran may damage MAGA, and Trumpism may merit some of the damage. But you can’t make that argument by throwing out all of its context. You can have Trump or you can have some version of Newsom or Merkel. That’s an imperfect choice, as all real choices tend to be, but it’s not really a hard one.


Supreme Court Gears Up To Decide If Elections End On Election Day


‘This is a real opportunity for the Supreme Court to enforce the rule of law and to bring good 
election practices at the same time.’



Does Election Day actually mean Election Day?

That’s the key issue the U.S. Supreme Court is going to consider when it holds oral arguments in a pivotal elections case next week.

Known as Watson v. RNC, the legal dispute centers around a challenge to a Mississippi law allowing election officials to accept mail-in ballots up to five business days after Election Day so long as they are postmarked on or before the day of the contest. The issue of accepting late-arriving ballots has become a prominent issue in elections in recent years, with more than a dozen states permitting such a practice.

In the case before SCOTUS, the justices will decide whether these state statutes violate existing federal laws that establish an election day for federal races. Speaking with The Federalist, Honest Elections Project Executive Director Jason Snead predicated that a favorable decision from the high court rendering them unconstitutional would go a long way in upholding the law and boosting Americans’ confidence and trust in elections.

“If you’re watching ballots trickle in and margins shrink, and you’re watching winners become losers and losers become winners after an election is over, then that invites skepticism, concerns about fraud, and ultimately, that’s going to sap public confidence and deter people from voting,” Snead told The Federalist. “This is a real opportunity for the Supreme Court to enforce the rule of law and to bring good election practices at the same time.”

Background

As The Federalist previously reported, Mississippi initially adopted its current policy of accepting late-arriving ballots during the 2020 Covid outbreak. This change to the state’s election procedure was later codified into law.

The Magnolia State’s actions prompted the Republican National Committee (RNC) and Mississippi GOP to file a lawsuit challenging the statute’s legality in January 2024. The plaintiffs argued that the law conflicts with federal statutes establishing an election day for federal contests.

After considering the case, the U.S. District Court for the Southern District of Mississippi issued a decision in July 2024 siding with the state. As summarized by Justia, the court ruled that “Mississippi’s statute did not conflict with federal law and thus was not preempted.”

The 5th Circuit Court of Appeals disagreed. In its October 2024 ruling reversing the decision, a three-judge panel for the court “held that the federal Election Day statutes preempt Mississippi’s law because federal law mandates that all ballots must be received by Election Day,” according to Justia. The appellate court additionally remanded the case “for further proceedings to determine appropriate relief, considering the proximity to upcoming elections.”

Mississippi Attorney General Lynn Fitch ultimately petitioned SCOTUS to take up and resolve the case in June 2025. The high court agreed to do so in November. 

The Arguments

In its brief filed with SCOTUS, Mississippi disagreed with the 5th Circuit’s conclusion that “federal law requires that ballots be received by election day and so preempts Mississippi’s law.” The Magnolia State instead argued that an “’election’ is the conclusive choice of an officer,” and that the “voters make that choice by casting — marking and submitting — their ballots.”

“So the federal election-day statutes require only that the voters cast their ballots by election day. The election has then occurred, even if election officials do not receive all ballots by that day,” the state’s brief reads. “Under Mississippi law, the voters cast their ballots by election day. So federal law does not preempt Mississippi law. Text, precedent, and history show that the court of appeals erred in ruling otherwise.”

“The problem with that argument,” Snead told The Federalist, “is that if you look at the way that historically elections have been run in this country, votes are not actually considered to be voted until they are in the hands of election officials, until they have been received by an election official.”

“To put it another way, if you or I were to vote in person and go into a polling place, get a ballot and fill in the bubble on that ballot, but then decide, ‘Actually, I didn’t really like this person in the first place [and] I don’t really want to vote in this election,’ and you throw that ballot in the trash, somebody cannot go fish that out at that point and say, ‘This is a vote for a candidate,'” Snead explained. “It only becomes your actual vote when you run it through the tabulator or when you give it to an election official. That is the way that we have always run things in this country when it comes to elections … It was really only in the last handful of years that we have seen states move away from that standard and in essence, extend voting beyond the date that is set by Congress for Election Day.”

Snead’s argument aligns with that put forward by the RNC. In agreeing with the 5th Circuit’s conclusion, the GOP similarly contended that Mississippi’s interpretation conflicts with existing “text,” “precedent,” and “historical practice” — all of which it argued “support[] requiring ballot receipt by election day.”

“The Fifth Circuit rightly held that the ‘day for the election’ has a fixed meaning. It doesn’t mean whatever each State wants it to mean. It means the day by which ballots must be ‘received by state officials.’ … The Court should affirm,” the RNC’s brief reads.

The RNC’s position does not impact post-Election Day ballot-counting processes or early voting, according to Snead. Those issues, he said, are not what’s being addressed in this case.

The Hearing Ahead

While it’s unclear how oral arguments are going to play out, Snead assessed that there will be several pivotal justices to watch who will be instrumental in the case’s outcome. Namely, Chief Justice John Roberts.

The HEP executive director said that Roberts boasts a “pretty good” track record on election-related cases before the court and that it will be interesting to see how he approaches the legal dispute at issue in Watson. The chief justice most recently authored the court’s decision in Bost v. Illinois State Board of Elections, in which a majority ruled that candidates have standing to challenge election rules.

“I’ll be keeping an eye on what sort of questions [Roberts] asks and what has risen to the level in his mind [on this issue]. I think it’s going to be pretty telling about where he might come down,” Snead said. “If he comes down in favor of overturning this law, I’d say that’s a pretty good indicator that there’s enough votes there to get a good ruling, but we’ll have to see.”

Snead also flagged Associate Justice Amy Coney Barrett as a key figure to watch, noting that she has “less experience in the election arena” than Roberts and some of the other justices.

What Americans hear in oral arguments is not always a good indicator of how a case will be decided, however. That’s especially true in the area of election law, said Snead, who observed that it’s “sometimes a little bit unpredictable” how certain justices will rule.

The elections specialist referenced a 2013 Supreme Court decision authored by staunch originalist and Associate Justice Antonin Scalia as an example. In Arizona v. Inter Tribal Council of Arizona, the court “struck down an Arizona law that required voters to show proof of citizenship in national elections” on the grounds that it “conflicted with the 1993 National Voter Registration Act (NVRA),” as The Federalist’s Matt Kittle reported.

That ruling “effectively bound states up when it comes to proof of citizenship, which, of course, is a live issue now with the SAVE America Act in Congress,” Snead said. So, “there’s always a chance that things could go sideways for the RNC in this [Watson] case. … [but] it’ll be interesting to see where things turn out.”

Oral arguments in Watson v. RNC will take place on Monday, March 23, at 10 a.m. ET.


Cultural Marxism Masquerading as True History

Cultural Marxism Masquerading as True History

Wanjiru Njoya for Mises



Ever since people began warning about the threat from Cultural Marxism, the Marxists’ main line of defense has been to deny everything. They claim that their critics are hallucinating and fighting with shadows.

The Marxists in control of universities insist that academic freedom is alive and well. No one has been excluded from the academy for being a conservative. No teachers are indoctrinating their students—they merely teach them true history.

In that light, it is perhaps understandable that the Trump administration framed their attack on Cultural Marxism as a concern with “true history.” The Executive Order (EO) titled “Restoring Truth and Sanity to American History” depicted the dismantling of Western civilization as a revisionist history project. Do not worry, fair citizens, your president will now ensure that history is not inaccurately revised, he promised.

The weakness of this strategy is obvious. There is nothing wrong with revising history, per se. History is not writ in stone. Historians regularly question the dominant interpretations, revising them where necessary. The problem is not that universities are revising history, but that they are indoctrinating students in the poisonous tenets of Cultural Marxism. The problem identified by the EO is not merely historical revisionism, much as the Trump administration was at pains to depict it as such. As the EO explained,

…the prior [Biden] administration sponsored training by an organization that advocates dismantling “Western foundations” and “interrogating institutional racism” and pressured National Historical Park rangers that their racial identity should dictate how they convey history to visiting Americans because America is purportedly racist.

…the Smithsonian Institution has, in recent years, come under the influence of a divisive, race-centered ideology. This shift has promoted narratives that portray American and Western values as inherently harmful and oppressive.

The National Museum of African American History and Culture has proclaimed that “hard work,” “individualism,” and “the nuclear family” are aspects of “White culture.” The forthcoming Smithsonian American Women’s History Museum plans on celebrating the exploits of male athletes participating in women’s sports. These are just a few examples.

Denouncing white Americans as racists is not “revisionist history.” It is an ideologically-driven attack masquerading as history. Defending your country is not a history project. It is intrinsic to the right to self-defense. There is no duty to sit and watch as your communities are destroyed under the guise of accurate history. It would have been more accurate to call the EO “Rejecting Cultural Marxism.”

Cultural Marxism is a poisonous and destructive ideology. Antony Mueller explains

Another name for the neo-Marxism of increasing popularity in the United States is “cultural Marxism.”… Marxist theory flourishes today in cultural institutions, in the academic world, and in the mass media.

Given the terrible reputation of Marxism, the only people who stand to gain by depicting Cultural Marxism as “historical revisionism” are the Marxists. They know that their idol, Karl Marx, is a purveyor of death and destruction. They would sure love to give him a makeover as a mere history revisionist. David Gordon explains:

Marx is often portrayed as motivated by love of the working class, if not all of humanity. Actually, starting from the time he was a university student, he displayed contempt and hatred for the masses he deemed beneath him. As McMeekin writes, “Rather than appreciating the good fortune that allowed him to live this agreeable life of leisure [made possible by an allowance from his father], Marx wrote poetry that was angry and misanthropic. In Savage Saga, published in January 1841, a twenty-two-year-old Marx lambasted that humans were tired, empty, frightened, the ‘apes of a cold God,’ a God who warned his apes, ‘I shall hurl gigantic curses at mankind.’” In this connection, McMeekin might also have mentioned Reverend Richard Wurmbrand’s Marx and Satan(Crossway, 1986). Marx’s adoption of a Luciferian persona was, in fact, a frequent motif in nineteenth-century Romanticism, analyzed in the famous book of Marion Praz, The Romantic Agony (Oxford, 1930).

Marxists would prefer to shift the focus onto slavery debates. Forget Marx being a Luciferian, how about we discuss the fact that George Washington and William Penn owned slaves? No other history of slavery interests them—only the part that can be mined to dismantle Western civilization.

Depicting Cultural Marxism as a “history debate” is, therefore, a public relations coup for the Marxists. They insist that their schemes are not ideological. They claim that the slavery exhibits targeted by the EO are merely “information signs,” giving “educational materials on the history of slavery.”

If this was indeed a debate about history—as the EO unwisely concedes—then the activists would be right to insist that we must not expect politicians to settle historical debates by executive decree. We certainly should not erase historical exhibits just because politicians do not like a particular historical interpretation.

“Debate history, don’t erase it!” cry the woke historians when their Marxist exhibits are dismantled. But their true motives are exposed by their stated desire to “avenge their ancestors” for the evils of slavery.

The Avenging The Ancestors Coalition, an organization of African American historians, activists and more, was among the leaders of the effort to get the slavery exhibit signage restored.

They claim that the EO is an attempt by the Trump administration to “rewrite and whitewash history.” On that basis, they secured court orders that the plaques must be restored. The jubilant Philadelphia Mayor said, “Today we celebrate the return of our history at this important site.” One activist was overcome with emotion to see the return of her “history.”

“Well, it’s important. It’s important,” Cardillino said. “It happened. It happened, and it’s part of our history. You can’t deny it. This is not just about 6th and Market. It’s not just about Philadelphia. It’s not just about Pennsylvania. This was the right thing to do for our country.”

These are, of course, the very same activists who destroyed numerous historic monuments across the South. They shocked the world by destroying Monument Avenue in Richmond, Virginia. They splashed pink paint on the memorial of Jefferson Davis, tied a noose around his neck, and tore it down. They took an axe to the statue of Stonewall Jackson and transformed it into what the New York Times admiringly described as “a kind of melted mutant grotesque.” The artist herself described her grotesque art as “a sort of haint.”

They rampaged through cemeteries tearing down tombstones. The statue of Robert E. Lee that stood in Charlottesville, Virginia, was hurled into a furnace.

“Today the statue comes down and we are one small step closer to a more perfect union,” said then-mayor Nikuyah Walker.

They use a torch to score the head of the statue, in the pattern of a death mask. Lee’s face falls to floor with a loud clank.

The assertion by neo-Marxists that they are only interested in historical accuracy is falsified by their own destructionism. The historian Clyde Wilson is, therefore, right to warn that this is not a debate about history—“we are not in an argument over the interpretation of the past.” Wilson observes,

They are not interested in a balanced weighing of the evidence of history. For them history is an abstraction and a weapon of power over others.

The attacks on the South, in particular, are the opposite of preserving history. Their goal is, as Wilson observed, that, “Columbia, South Carolina, must become indistinguishable from Columbus, Ohio, which is only a small and early step on the road to the New World Order.” The Cultural Marxists hope that where “workers of the world unite” failed, the slogan that we are all citizens of One World may succeed.

But wait, say the Marxists. There you go again, fighting with shadows. Isn’t the New World Order just a conspiracy theory? The purveyors of Cultural Marxism know that mockery is a powerful political weapon, so they mock their critics as conspiracy theorists—but they are the first to protest against their own woke schemes being mocked. “Stop mocking us!” they cry.

The problem is the tone of hostility, of mocking.… It’d be one thing if it were incisive criticism. Bring it on. But the mocking, vicious hostility, it really bothers me.

They are bothered when they get mocked, yet they mock conservatives for being afraid of a non-existent “secretive globalist authority.” There is surely no secretive globalist authority, as the goals of the Neo-Marxists are far from secretive. They are openly published. Writing in 2018, Brian Balfour pointed out that,

Take, for instance, the 1985 book Hegemony and Socialist Strategy, written by socialist theorists Ernesto Laclau and Chantal Mouffe. Indeed, the ideas that inspired the book were captured in an article by Laclau and Mouffe published with the more telling title “Socialist Strategy, Where Next?” in the January 1981, issue of Marxism Today.

They deny that the identity politics movement and their “critical theories”—which they insist do not even exist—have anything to do with Marxism. “Do you even know what Marxism is?” they mock. Yet their Marxist roots are clear:

Marx and Marxism comes [sic] up often in the writings that formed the movement. Gramsci, meanwhile, is quoted approvingly by several authors in the 1995 anthology of essays that serves as the bible of CRT, Critical Race Theory: The Key Writings that Formed the Movement [1995]—which CRT adherents, in another reference to Mao, refer to as the “Big Red Book.” And, lest anyone forget, Frankfurt’s Institute for Social Research, which originated from the German antecedent of CRT, critical theory, was founded by members of different communist parties in 1922 to help to promote Marxism in the West.

Wilson is, therefore, justified in warning that “the relentless barrage of lies against our heritage is more than a series of petty skirmishes about historical interpretation.” They purport to be interested in reinterpreting history while they are driven by vengeance and destructionism.

As Wilson puts it, these are “not folks we can win over by presenting historical evidence.” The truth is that “we are not in a fight over historical interpretation; we are in a war against our culture.”