Wednesday, March 18, 2026

Defining Victory Over Iran


If you listen to Donald Trump’s critics, the president is all over the map in defining the Iran war’s endgame. To casual or biased observers, that seems the case. In public pronouncements, the president’s war aims have varied, covering everything from regime change, via popular uprisings -- which he called for -- to erasing Iran’s capacity to make nuclear weapons to eliminating the mullahs’ means of playing oil politics and instigating acts of terror. Or combinations thereof.

Last Friday, in an interview with Fox News’ Brian Kilmeade, when asked when the war would end, Trump said, “When I feel it in my bones.”

That comment drove Trump haters crazy. Don’t doubt that Trump made the claim in part to get under his detractors’ skin. Otherwise, the anti-Trumpers lack an appreciation of strategic and tactical ambiguity. Trump’s vagueness plays in both ways.

Gavin Newsom, the failed governor of California, mocked Trump’s statement in an X post. He displayed a photo of when Trump’s hand was bruised -- from shaking a lot of hands. Newsom suggested that the war was beating the president. Newsom is running for his party’s presidential nomination. His Trump dig was red meat thrown to Democrat voters.

Newsom never skips a chance to play the lightweight. In barely more than two weeks of conflict, the American and Israeli joint effort has achieved remarkable military dominance. Iran’s navy and air force have been rendered nil, for all intents and purposes. Its stockpiles of missiles and drones are depleted. Many were destroyed, along with critical launchers and a drone naval carrier, in waves of U.S. attacks. Iran has some capability left. Three cargo ships were struck in the Strait of Hormuz last week.

That’s why last Friday night Trump retaliated, ordering U.S. forces to pound Kharg Island military installations. He’s dispatched a contingent of 5,000 Marines and sailors to the Persian Gulf. Speculation is that the Marines may capture the island. Kharg is Iran’s principal oil export terminal. 90% of its crude transits from the island. The primary recipient? China. More on China shortly.

Marines landing on Kharg would constitute boots on the ground. Democrats and the fringy right are waiting to lose their cool. Yet much of the military infrastructure on the island has been destroyed. What sort of armed resistance the Iranians could mount isn’t known. We do know this: given that the Iranians lack air and naval counters, and given that the U.S. will destroy Iranian transports, getting reinforcements and materials to Kharg isn’t happening. Will the island’s defenders choose surrender or death? If the Marines invade, we’ll see if Iranian soldiers are really Islamic fanatics.

Trump spared Kharg’s oil facilities with a proviso. They’ll be reduced to rubble if the Iranians don’t cease attacks in the Persian Gulf and the Strait. Trump, always the negotiator, leverages everything, including Kharg Island and its critical role in revenue generation for the Iranian regime.

Kharg is a bargaining chip with whoever constitutes Iran’s leadership. Trump just announced the Iranians desire to negotiate a ceasefire, but he’s spurning them for the time being. They aren’t making the right concessions.

Lastly, and importantly, Trump is scheduled to meet with Xi Jinping in Beijing at the end of March. The president now says he may postpone the visit if Xi doesn’t send warships to help patrol the Strait of Hormuz. That’s a deft move by Trump. He’s making it very clear that Xi’s cooperation matters to U.S.-Sino relations. Trump’s maneuver certainly adds another layer of ambiguity to the relationship. Trump thrives on other parties’ uncertainty.

The China angle is no minor consideration in the Iran war. China has relied on below-market priced oil exports -- sanctioned oil -- from Iran and Venezuela. Venezuelan oil came under U.S. control when Maduro was seized.

The war is a strategic move by Trump to check Xi Jinping’s global ambitions. Moreover, defeating Iran serves as a reality check for Vladimir Putin. Iran is a Russian ally. The PRC and Russia are aligned. Whatever Putin’s faults, he most certainly isn’t impractical. He’s a careful calculator of interests -- his and Russia’s. If the result of the conflict -- along with Trump’s actions in the Western Hemisphere -- succeed, Putin will be forced to rethink. Where do his interests best lie, with a resurgent U.S. or a diminishing PRC?

China is already hurting from U.S. actions squeezing Venezuelan oil exports. Trump now has his jaws wrapped around the throat of Iran’s oil flow. Reports are that the PRC’s economy is shaky. The U.S. gaining control of global oil markets significantly reduces Chinese leverage, economically and politically.

Trump is playing multilevel chess. Actions can -- and are -- serving multiple purposes. Iran’s days as a rogue state are dwindling. China is being boxed in. India is leaning away from the Chinese and Russians and toward the U.S. Whenever the Ukraine war concludes, anticipate Trump renewing overtures to lure Putin away from Xi.

A last, key point about Trump using the war to counter Xi’s ambitions.

Xi’s dictatorship rests on four pillars. First, a prospering economy, sufficient to keep coastal and inland populations from becoming restive. Second, solid economic performance to grow the military. Third, eventual conquest of Tiawan. Fourth, attaining global hegemony.

China’s ambitious Belt and Road Initiative is being unbuckled by Trump in the Western Hemisphere. He’s countering the Chinese with the “Shield of the Americas” initiative. Panama terminated Chinese operational control of the Canal. Venezuela is subdued. Cuba’s communist regime is in discussions with Marco Rubio. That regime will be transitioned into oblivion.

Trump can accept China having a viable economy, but within a framework set by the U.S. Tariffs aren’t just revenue generators. They’re about slashing U.S. reliance on Chinese -- and others’ -- production, particularly in critical technologies, medicines, and rare earth minerals. Reshoring has economic and national security advantages.

U.S. domination of energy sectors -- that includes coal; China receives nearly a quarter of its coal from the U.S. -- is about limiting Xi’s options. Soldiers march on their stomachs, Napoleon said, but militaries rely on fossil fuels to operate.

Trump isn’t compelled to end the Iran war on terms less favorable than he deems desirable. Why should he? He means to extract maximum advantage from the conflict.

So, who’s defining the end of the war? President Trump. Not Democrats. Not corporate media. Not his coalition’s fringe. Not EU/NATO partners (so-called). When will it end? When Trump achieves key goals -- goals that focus on, but range well beyond, ending the Iranian threat. The wager is that the president does so in weeks, not months.

Should Trump succeed in this very ambitious enterprise, what will his detractors say?

Democrats will claim that victory is about feeding Trump’s imperialist ambitions. Trump is branded as Caesar! Rand Paul and likeminded will continue to squawk that Trump had no legal mandate for the war. Others will keep saying he betrayed his mandate.

Both will be proven terribly wrong because President Trump is on the verge of being proven spectacularly right.


Podcast thread for March 18

 


Big day.

The Shield of the Americas and the Battle for the Hemisphere


History does not always announce its turning points with ceremony. Sometimes it reveals them through the clarity of a single decision. President Donald J. Trump’s choice to place Kristi Noem at the center of the Shield of the Americas is one of those decisions. It is not a gesture. It is not a public-relations exercise. It is not a symbolic appointment designed to satisfy a news cycle. It is a recognition that the greatest threat now confronting the Western Hemisphere is not confined to borders, nor to narcotics, nor to migration in isolation. It is the emergence of a criminal-political order that corrodes republics from within, captures institutions, launders power through democratic appearances, and projects instability directly toward the United States. Those who treat this initiative lightly are not misunderstanding a personnel choice. They are misunderstanding the age in which we live.

For too many years, the hemisphere has been interpreted through the comfortable laziness of compartmentalized analysis. Drug trafficking was discussed as one issue. Illegal migration as another. Human trafficking as another. Corruption as another. Democratic erosion as another. That framework is no longer merely obsolete; it is an obstacle to survival. These are not parallel crises. They are the visible branches of the same poisoned tree.

What we are facing in the Americas is not simply organized crime. We are facing the fusion of organized crime with political power, the convergence of cartel violence with state corruption, the penetration of public institutions by illicit finance, and the consolidation of regimes that preserve the outer shell of legality while destroying the substance of freedom. In several countries, cartels are no longer operating at the margins of the state. They have become part of the ecosystem of power itself. They finance, intimidate, infiltrate, corrupt, and, when necessary, enforce. They do not merely exploit institutional weakness. They thrive in alliance with it.

This is why the Shield of the Americas has the potential to become one of the defining strategic initiatives of our time.

If it is understood merely as a campaign against drug trafficking, it will be diminished before it begins. If it is framed only as a tougher security doctrine, it will remain incomplete. Its true significance lies elsewhere. It lies in the possibility that, for the first time in decades, the hemisphere may begin to confront the problem at its real center of gravity: not crime alone, but the political, judicial, financial, and diplomatic structures that allow crime to govern, to endure, and to disguise itself as sovereignty.

That is the deeper meaning of Kristi Noem’s role.

Her critics have chosen the usual refuge of unserious politics: caricature. They reduce her appointment to personality because they are incapable of grasping the magnitude of the mission. But the office she has been asked to help shape is not minor. It is not ornamental. It is not an appendage to domestic debate. It reaches to the core of hemispheric security itself. In practical terms, it stands at the intersection of border protection, maritime control, intelligence coordination, institutional resilience, anti-cartel strategy, and the larger defense of the American homeland against transnational systems of criminal penetration. One does not place a figure with Noem’s Homeland Security experience in such a role by accident. One does so because the crisis is larger than conventional diplomacy and because the old language of regional management has failed to contain it.

Her experience matters precisely because Homeland Security, properly understood, was never only about migration. It was about vulnerability. It was about understanding that borders are not abstract lines, but pressure points through which hostile systems move people, drugs, weapons, money, influence, and disorder. It was about recognizing that the collapse of enforcement is never merely administrative. It is strategic. It invites exploitation, rewards criminal enterprise, weakens sovereign authority, and raises the cost of restoration later. That background is not incidental to the Shield of the Americas. It is the reason her appointment makes sense.

There is another reality that must be stated without euphemism. The traditional guardians of hemispheric order have failed to rise to the challenge. The Organization of American States has too often been reduced to a chamber of concern without consequence, a place where democratic principles are recited even as they are trampled, and where authoritarian or criminalized regimes have learned that time, procedure, and diplomatic caution can be converted into shields against accountability. Other international bodies have fared no better. The global architecture that once claimed moral authority has, in too many cases, revealed ethical inconsistency, political selectivity, and a debilitating reluctance to confront criminalized power when it is wrapped in the language of sovereignty.

The result is before us. A hemisphere in which dictatorships, para-authoritarian governments, corrupt elites, cartel structures, trafficking networks, and captured institutions have learned to coexist, to reinforce one another, and to exploit the passivity of systems designed for another age.

This is why a serious hemispheric strategy can no longer be limited to statements of concern. It must create leverage. It must create incentives. It must create consequences.

At its highest level, the Shield of the Americas should not remain merely a security compact. It should mature into a hemispheric architecture of democratic trust: a coalition in which intelligence sharing, trade privileges, strategic cooperation, infrastructure security, financial coordination, anti-money-laundering efforts, and institutional support are tied to measurable standards of democratic conduct, judicial integrity, anti-corruption performance, and real cooperation against transnational criminal networks. Such a model would accomplish what older institutions have conspicuously failed to do. It would connect principle to power. It would make clear that democratic legitimacy is not a slogan for ceremonial gatherings, but a condition of deeper partnership.

That is where the project could become transformative.

For too long, the hemisphere has tolerated a grotesque asymmetry. Nations that undermine the rule of law, manipulate elections, capture courts, or collaborate—whether openly or tacitly—with criminal networks still demand the benefits of normal treatment within the international order. They want access without accountability, commerce without confidence, diplomacy without standards, and legitimacy without honor. That age must end. A new hemispheric order worthy of the name must distinguish between governments that protect liberty and governments that prey upon it; between states that fight corruption and states that metabolize it; between systems that defend lawful sovereignty and those that invoke sovereignty as a cover for criminal rule.

If the Shield of the Americas is built with that seriousness, it will do more than interdict shipments or strengthen borders. It will alter incentives across the hemisphere. It will tell every ambitious political class in the region that the path to deeper partnership with the United States and its allies runs not through theater, nor through anti-American posturing, nor through cartel accommodation disguised as social policy, but through institutional seriousness, democratic discipline, and verifiable integrity.

That would mark a genuine strategic break with the failures of the past.

And it would answer one of the defining questions of our age: whether the democracies of the Western Hemisphere still possess the will to defend themselves not only from invasion in the classical sense, but from the slower and more insidious conquest carried out by criminal economies, corrupt networks, ideological opportunists, and regimes that erode liberty under the color of law.

This is not a secondary matter. It is not a regional footnote. It is not an issue for policy specialists alone. The future of the hemisphere will be determined by whether lawful states recover the confidence to act as lawful states, whether institutions recover the courage to distinguish right from expedient neutrality, and whether the United States is prepared to lead with the seriousness that the hour demands.

President Trump has now set that challenge before the hemisphere.

The question is no longer whether the threat is real. It is whether the free nations of the Americas are prepared to meet it with the clarity, force, and endurance required to defeat it.

Because the truth is now impossible to evade: the battle for the hemisphere is not merely a battle against trafficking routes or cartel empires. It is a battle over whether the Americas will be governed by sovereign republics under law, or slowly surrendered to a transnational alliance of corruption, coercion, and fear.

That is what the Shield of the Americas must be built to prevent.

And if it succeeds, it will not simply have secured borders.

It will have helped save the hemisphere itself.


Our New Ungracious Immigrants

Our New Ungracious Immigrants

The contrast between the grateful immigrants who once embraced America and the resentful newcomers who scorn it reveals how radically—and dangerously—the nation’s immigration ethos has changed. 


The Traditional Immigrant

Silicon Valley was energized by legal immigrants from all over the world who founded eBay, Google, Nvidia, SpaceX, Stripe, Sun Microsystems, Tesla, Yahoo, and a host of others.

The Greek American Elia Kazan’s 1963 film America, America is a fictional account based on the Herculean struggle of the director’s uncle to immigrate to the United States from an impoverished and hostile Turkish Anatolia.

The film summed up Americans’ traditional view of immigrants: They had risked everything for the chance to reach America, and once there, became hyperpatriotic in their gratitude for the magnanimity of their new hosts.

An excellent example is the recently released memoir from Encounter Books, American Trojan, by former University of Southern California president and Cypriot immigrant Dr. Max Nikias. It resonates with thankfulness to America for offering him opportunities undreamed of elsewhere.

He and his wife arrived in the U.S. from war-torn Cyprus nearly penniless but determined to work hard, master English, and enrich the country that welcomed them with their talents and education. What followed was an amazing American trajectory that saw Nikias become president of the University of Southern California—arguably the most successful one in recent memory.

I grew up in rural California surrounded by hard-working immigrant farm families from Armenia, India, Japan, and Mexico. Their work ethic, love of America, and productive farms were models for U.S. non-immigrants. Such immigrants explained why the San Joaquin Valley was the most productive and richest agricultural region in the nation.

My own Swedish grandfather, disabled by poison gas while fighting on the Western Front in World War I, loved all things Swedish, but not nearly as much as his beloved America.

Four Hansons fought on the front lines of World Wars I and II. One was disabled, and another was killed on Okinawa. And all felt blessed that their parents and grandparents had gotten to America.

Gratitude and Ingratitude

But recently, something has gone terribly wrong with immigration—an open border, of course, but also a change in legal immigration as well as student visitors.

During World War II, Japanese Americans fought heroically in horrific conditions in Italy in the famous 442nd Regimental Combat Team and 100th Infantry Battalion—even as their families were interned in the Western United States. Few native-born Americans were more loyal or patriotic than the Japanese Americans.

And now?

While America is at war with Iran and de facto with its terrorist proxies, crowds of immigrants, visitors, and foreign students in New York scream anti-American slogans as they cheer on our enemies in theocratic Iran and its terrorist proxies, Hezbollah and Hamas.

Are we surprised, then, when Islamic terrorists begin hunting down Americans on our own soil?

On campuses today, thousands of Middle Eastern international students, mostly arriving from autocratic, tribal, and failed nations, have staged often violent demonstrations in the years following the October 7, 2023, massacre. They are not shy about cheering on the Hamas slaughter of Israeli civilians.

These pro-Hamas students have not just damned Israel but also often harassed Jewish Americans. They revile their host America and expect Americans to smile and shrug.

It is hard to determine whether such zealots hate the U.S. more than they love living in America and preserving their student visas and work permits.

Hating or Loving the Great Satan?

Take Dr. Fatemeh Ardeshir-Larijani. She is the daughter of Ali Larijani, one of the late Supreme Leader Khamenei’s murderous henchmen. He sent his daughter Fatemeh to the top schools in the satanic United States. She was eventually even hired as a professor at Emory University—at least until popular outrage at the Larijani family’s hypocrisy prompted her dismissal.

To our enemies in Iran, we may be the “Great Satan.” But Iranian theocrats apparently prefer their children and other relatives to study and get rich in Luciferian America. So, many send their kids to universities in the USA.

Another surreal example is the case of Mahmoud Khalil, who arrived on a student visa at Columbia University and soon led the “Gaza Solidarity Encampment.”

When the State Department sought to revoke his temporary visa, the Left made Khalil a veritable martyr. Apparently, his university supporters reasoned that the U.S. had an obligation to invite to its shores those who are active supporters of terrorists like Hamas.

New York Mayor Zohran Mamdani, a naturalized citizen from Uganda whose parents became public figures and multimillionaires in America, in the past has had little good to say about his adopted country.

His quite public wife, Rama, whose parents were naturalized Syrian citizens, illustrated a book that was rife with antisemitism. It’s no accident that after October 7, she posted “likes” of social media praise of the terrorist Hamas killers, who are sworn enemies of her own country.

Many Somali immigrants of Minneapolis repaid the kindness of Americans in welcoming them from war-torn Somalia by committing the greatest welfare fraud in U.S. history, which may reach $9 billion in theft. Their iconic representative, Ilhan Omar, has voiced antisemitic vitriol, downplayed 9/11, claimed the U.S. has a dictatorship worse than the one she fled, and said the U.S. was turning into one of the worst countries in the world. That is the thanks she returns for entering a hospitable America under controversial circumstances and dubious legality.

Hating—or Hating to Leave—America?

Stranger still is the attitude of visitors and illegal aliens when they finally face deportation.

Joe Biden allowed 10–12 million foreign nationals to illegally enter the U.S. during his tenure, among them some 500,000 known criminals. In the years since his inauguration, not a day goes by without news that illegal aliens of that era have murdered, assaulted, been arrested for felonious acts, or caused horrific auto accidents.

One of them was Kilmar Ábrego Garcia, an illegal alien from El Salvador, who long ago was ordered to be deported for his unlawful entry and residence.

Instead, he too became an icon to the Left when he was recently and belatedly facing permanent deportation. He had clearly ignored his earlier deportation orders, and was an alleged gang member, an often violent spousal abuser, and a human trafficker.

Ábrego Garcia apparently felt he had a right to enter the U.S. illegally. He successfully made a mockery of our immigration laws. But he presciently expected that soon hundreds of thousands of dollars of free legal help would come his way, ensuring he could stay in the country for which he showed utter contempt.

And in the U.S., one of the most bizarre aspects of recent protests against ICE efforts involved episodes of Mexican nationals waving the flag of the country to which under no circumstances they wished to return, even as they burned the flag of the nation in which they insisted they had an innate right to stay.

Our New Americans Killing Americans

Yet the immigration disaster transcends student visas and illegal aliens, since it extends to many naturalized citizens as well.

Consider the terrorist acts that have transpired in just the last eight days.

On March 1, Ndiaga Diagne, a naturalized U.S. citizen originally from Senegal, shot up a beer garden in Austin, Texas. He murdered three people and wounded 14 others. Diagne wore a “Property of Allah” sweatshirt, along with an Iranian flag T-shirt.

On March 7, 2026, Emir Balat, the son of a naturalized citizen from Turkey, and Ibrahim Kayumi, the son of naturalized Afghan refugees, threw IEDs toward a conservative protest outside Gracie Mansion, the New York mayor’s residence.

The media sought to cover up their Islamist motives but could not, given that the two terrorists openly boasted of their aims. Indeed, the two bragged that they wanted to achieve something “bigger than the Boston Marathon bombing.”

That was a reference to Tamerlan and Dzhokhar Tsarnaev, the murderous Chechen-immigrant brothers. In 2013, they murdered three and injured hundreds at the Boston Marathon. Their aim too was apparently to further the so-called global “Islamic cause.”

This same week, on March 12, Mohamed Bailor Jalloh, another naturalized U.S. citizen, this time from Sierra Leone, went into an ROTC meeting at Old Dominion University in Norfolk, Virginia. Once there, he murdered the instructor, Lieutenant Colonel Brandon Shah, a decorated combat veteran. Jalloh shouted “Allahu Akbar” as he fired. Jalloh had previously been convicted for attempting to support ISIS but was released before serving his full sentence.

That same March day, Ayman Muhammed Ghazali, a naturalized U.S. citizen born in Lebanon, whose family in the Middle East currently has strong Hezbollah terrorist ties, drove his car rigged with explosive fireworks into Temple Israel in West Bloomfield, Michigan.

Ghazali was killed by security guards before he could carry out his homicidal plan. Hezbollah, remember, in the past, butchered hundreds of Americans in Lebanon.

There is an endless list of illegal aliens and naturalized citizens who have killed hundreds of Americans, both as common criminals and as would-be jihadists.

And not all the killing is intentional. Thousands of driver’s licenses have been issued to both illegal aliens and legal residents from all over the world, including those who do not understand English, cannot pass a commercial driver’s test, and are utterly unqualified to drive. Is it any surprise that we have recently witnessed serial horrific crashes, where incompetent drivers rammed their 80,000-pound semi-trucks into unsuspecting drivers?

What Happened to Immigration?

So what made the U.S. adopt such a suicidal immigration and visitation policy—one that welcomes in millions illegally, hundreds of thousands who are known criminals, tens of thousands of students who despise the U.S., and thousands of terrorists themselves and their sympathizers?

In the mid-1960s, amid the Great Society’s dreams of transforming America, new immigration laws were passed that ended the older quota process. That traditional system tended to favor better-off immigrants from Europe and the former British Empire to reflect somewhat the founding demographics of the republic.

But the new law junked the prior merit-based system and instead admitted immigrants chiefly on the basis of family ties and the purported need of the host country for inexpensive labor—with most now arriving from Asia, Africa, and Latin America. Suddenly, far less important for entry were critical skill sets, English mastery, high school diplomas, proof of self-support, and knowledge of, or familiarity with, the American system.

But in the subsequent 60 years, Democrats went even further beyond the 1965 Hart–Celler Act efforts to change the demography of the U.S. They began welcoming in anyone, legal or not, who simply crashed the border or claimed they wanted to study in the U.S. The old melting pot was banished, replaced by the “salad bowl.”

Immigration was seen by the Left as the answer to why they had never been able to complete their socialist agendas amid a skeptical American public. Supposedly, by welcoming in a “diverse” demographic, poor and without English fluency, they would grow the welfare state, creating a new dependent constituency.

The new immigrants and visitors were envisioned as left-wing voters-to-be who would look to the Democratic Party as their guarantors of open borders, a new entitlement society, and a criminal justice system that saw the perpetrator as a victim—and the real criminal as a racist America itself.

Diversity, the Immigration Force Multiplier

The new “diversity” ideology peaked under Barack Obama and Joe Biden. The subtext of their open-borders nihilism was a new oppressor/oppressed binary.

It dictated that traditional America was still too white, too traditionalist, too Christian, too unfairly successful—and too hostile to the Democratic-socialist agenda of a mandated equality of result achieved through massive coercive government redistributive efforts.

Under this warped view, the criminally minded Ábrego Garcia became a victim of supposed “Gestapo” ICE “goons” (ironic, when patriotic and skilled Mexican American officers disproportionately staff ICE ranks).

The Tsarnaev Boston Marathon killers became “hot” underdog freedom fighters. So the supposedly sexy, photogenic young murderer Dzhokhar Tsarnaev was highlighted on the cover of Rolling Stone.

The more Mahmoud Khalil took on the mantle of an anti-American, pro-Hamas activist, the more the Left rallied to his cause.

When Major Nidal Hasan, the son of naturalized Palestinian immigrants, slaughtered 13 and wounded 32 fellow soldiers at Fort Hood, the Pentagon resisted efforts to tie him to the Islamic terrorist cause. That was hard to do, since he screamed “Allahu Akbar!” as he mowed down his fellow soldiers.

Then Army Chief of Staff George Casey responded to the mass murder with his lamentation on CNN that, “As great a tragedy as this was, it would be a shame if our diversity became a casualty as well.” He sought to quash any speculation about Hasan’s Islamic motives, in fear that the ensuing truth might endanger the Army’s diversity efforts.

Then we come to the case of Eileen Gu, the recent American Winter Olympic multi-medalist skier.

She was born in San Francisco to a Chinese immigrant mother and an American father and lived her entire life in the U.S. But Gu chose to compete in the games for communist China, despite its efforts to isolate, dehumanize, and eventually vastly “reduce” its Uyghur minority population.

Dr. Frankenstein and his Monster

The final irony: Why do so many criminals believe they can enter the U.S. illegally and get away with murder?

Is it because they feel contempt for any nation that opens its borders, requires no background checks, destroys its own immigration laws, and weaponizes its criminal justice system to make the criminal the victim and the state his victimizer?

Why do so many burn the U.S. flag while waving the flag of Mexico, a country they have no intention of returning to?

Is it because they sense they might be praised for “celebrating diversity,” as the popular culture would term such abject cultural schizophrenia?

Why would the Tsarnaev brothers repay the country that took them in by killing innocent Americans?

Would it be because, in their formative years in American schools, their teachers and texts emphasized what was wrong with a supposedly exploitative U.S.?

Why, in the middle of a near-existential war with Iran to stop its efforts to obtain nuclear-tipped ballistic missiles pointed at the U.S. and its allies, would naturalized citizens feel so free to slaughter Americans for the cause of Islam?

Would it be because they sense from left-wing universities and popular culture that it is a virtual open season on Jews?

Or that any time an Islamic terrorist commits an act, a Democratic operative will warn America of “Islamophobia”—as if, say, mowing down soldiers at Fort Hood is the lesser crime?

Why would a rich, privileged Eileen Gu feel no discomfort competing for a murderous regime whose agenda is to displace her country from its global preeminence in favor of a communist dictatorship?

Is it because in our relativist modern America, Gu’s “truth” is just as meaningful as any other? And who, after all, is qualified to judge anything or anyone?

Who created our current Frankensteinian monstrosities?

We did.

We are the Dr. Frankensteins who asked nothing of immigrants, in a complete break from our nation’s past.

And we got our wish for a new, quite different class of immigrants, who treated the U.S. the very way they were taught to do by the Left: as an evil entity that deserved what it got.

And we sure have gotten it.


Time to Sweep 'Political Correctness' into the Dustbin of History


If you are old enough to remember America clearly from the 1990s forward, then you witnessed the transformation of “political correctness” in real time.

Prior to the fall of the Berlin Wall in ’89 and the collapse of the Soviet Union in ’91, Americans spoke of “political correctness” as a communist disease.  It was something that existed in those unfree countries stuck behind the Iron Curtain.  It was a way to differentiate the West’s “truths” from the Soviets’ state propaganda.  We knew about the secretly produced samizdat that was passed around in underground communities in Soviet-controlled Europe.  We knew that East German teenagers were listening to anti-communist messages on Radio Free Europe.  Some of us knew Russian Γ©migrΓ©s whose sardonic sense of humor often took biting aim at what was “true” and what was “officially true” in the Soviet Union.  In other words, there was what people living behind the Iron Curtain knew to be correct, and there was what those people said out loud to avoid being arrested, thrown in prison, or even shot.  That was how Americans first learned about “political correctness.”

For most of the ’90s and early into the aughts, Americans referred jeeringly to “political correctness.”  Before someone told a bawdy or racist joke (or any kind of joke that played on stereotypes, more generally), it was fairly common to hear the speaker start with, “This isn’t ‘politically correct,’ but...”  It was another version of the, “Not safe for work,” warning that people get before opening up links in emails when those links might bring loud and visually inappropriate videos onto a computer screen.  Television sitcom characters even referenced “political correctness” when saying something provocative.  In the same way that Soviet citizens darkly mocked state-imposed “truths,” Americans mocked society’s unofficial “speech police” who had a way of popping up in neighborhood associations, PTA meetings, and backyard barbecues to inform gatherers when discussion of a subject had crossed some invisible line into “sensitive territory.”  This was before everything was “racist,” “sexist,” or “homophobic.”  Nobody had heard of “Islamophobia.”  A “trans” referred to a communication or car part.  Invoking “political correctness” was one way that Americans flaunted free speech by proving that no subject was off-limits.   

Then “political correctness” became something ugly. 

Sometime after the 9/11 Islamic terror attacks and during America’s mission to fight those Islamic terrorists “over there” so that we wouldn’t have to fight them “over here,” new language rules started to percolate through American society.  Soldiers in Iraq and Afghanistan had plenty of colorful words to describe Americas’ enemies on the battlefield, but when they got back home, an increasingly vocal class of “progressives” in workplaces and on college campuses were quick to tell returning veterans, “That’s not politically correct.”  Democrats who had voted for the “Global War on Terrorism” decided to throw those risking their lives under the bus.  They didn’t spit on returning combat veterans, as they had during the Vietnam War era, but they made turncoat John Kerry (a dishonorable man who stabbed warriors in the back to advance his political career) the 2004 Democrat nominee for president.  Democrats also stopped hiding their proclivity to sneer condescendingly at servicemembers for fighting and dying for something as “icky” as patriotism.  To their surprise, returning veterans began to notice that while they were fighting Islamic terrorists “over there,” the federal government continued to resettle large segments of the Islamic world “over here.”  Military argot ends up becoming “politically incorrect” pretty fast when family members of overseas enemy combatants become next-door neighbors in the states.  

In the first decade of the millennium, two other “progressive” issues began to dominate American culture: “affirmative action” programs and so-called “gay marriage.”  White and Asian Americans continued to bring court cases against universities and workplaces that explicitly discriminated against applicants because of their race.  Gay and lesbian couples continued to bring court cases demanding identical legal standing to married couples.  

In the former line of cases, those defending racial preferences in admissions and hiring decisions needed new ways to convince Americans that racism in the twenty-first century was somehow just as bad as it had been when Democrats made black Americans eat in the back of restaurants and drink from separate water fountains.  In the latter line of cases, those insisting that the ancient institution of marriage recognizing the sacred union between one woman and one man be redefined to include members of the same sex (this was well before “gender” replaced sex, the LGBTQIA+ movement required the whole alphabet, and an eruption of pronoun-people began policing everyday speech) needed new ways to shame opponents.

All of a sudden, everything became “racist” or “homophobic.”  “You can’t say that,” transformed from a joke into a command.  “Trigger warnings” and “microaggressions” became ubiquitous.  Television shows, book introductions, and college syllabi all warned Americans that they might be exposed to “troubling” or “offensive” language that might inadvertently “traumatize” those who may or may not have had a distant relative who may or may not have experienced hardship.  Off-color jokes were strictly verboten.  Everything a white person said was scrutinized for signs of “unconscious racism.”  From classrooms to cubicle spaces, Americans were walking on eggshells because leftists were spreading eggshells everywhere.  

What we were witnessing was larval “political correctness” transforming into the insect swarm of “hate speech” restrictions and prosecutable “hate crimes.”  “Politically incorrect” jokes are no laughing matter when the state starts cataloguing them as “aggravating factors” and “sentencing enhancements.”  It’s pretty difficult for young students to stand up in classrooms to argue against “affirmative action” when the professor and half the classroom are all hissing, “That’s racist!”  In fact, with “microaggressions” and “unconscious biases” now spreading like a virulent disease, it pretty much became impossible for white heterosexuals (especially those dreaded males!) to say anything about racism, ethnicity, or sexual orientation unless a member of a “protected class” first sanctioned the proposed commentary.  It turns out that it’s remarkably easy for proponents of racial preferences and the redefinition of marriage to win public arguments when the other side is silenced for “politically incorrect” speech.  

As leftists all over the world celebrated the replacement of President George W. Bush with President Barack Hussein Obama — a man who almost comically appeared to be Bush’s diametrical opposite — the oppressive era of modern “political correctness” settled into American culture like a parasite under the skin.  Obama became the avatar for “political correctness” and the supreme judge of what was okay to say.  If you looked as if you could have been Obama’s son, you could do or say no wrong.  If you enforced the law while being white, you were most likely going to be suspended, laid off, or sent to prison. 

The “Age of Woke” had officially arrived. 

American leftists chose the Soviet model.  They silenced political opponents by making non-leftist beliefs fireable offenses and punishable crimes.  They taught an entire generation that masculinity is “toxic,” that the Founding Fathers were “patriarchs,” and that America is “systemically racist.”  They leaned into online censorship and viewpoint discrimination.  In other words, the biggest supporters of “political correctness” have been the country’s most divisive, sexist, racist, anti-Christian, anti-American, and discriminatory group of people ever to exercise so much political and cultural power in the United States.

This soft oppression has been eating America alive like a cancer that just won’t go away.  But a backlash has certainly begun.  A growing share of American society has decided to laugh in the face of all those who cry, “That’s offensive!”  They got a major boost when rhetorical pugilist Donald Trump won the presidency three times.  “Wokesters” who insist on criminalizing that last sentence as “misinformation” can’t hear this advice enough: Calm down.  Breathe.  Learn to take a joke.


🎭 π–πŸ‘π π““π“π“˜π“›π“¨ 𝓗𝓾𝓢𝓸𝓻, π“œπ“Ύπ“Όπ“²π“¬, 𝓐𝓻𝓽, π“žπ“Ÿπ“”π“ 𝓣𝓗𝓑𝓔𝓐𝓓

 

Welcome to 

The π–πŸ‘π π““π“π“˜π“›π“¨ 𝓗𝓾𝓢𝓸𝓻, π“œπ“Ύπ“Όπ“²π“¬, 𝓐𝓻𝓽, π“žπ“Ÿπ“”π“ 𝓣𝓗𝓑𝓔𝓐𝓓 

Here’s a place to share cartoons, jokes, music, art, nature, 
man-made wonders, and whatever else you can think of. 

No politics or divisive posts on this thread. 

This feature will appear every day at 1pm mountain time. 


If Thune Blocks The SAVE Act, U.S. Citizenship Soon Won’t Mean Much


What interests take precedence over 84 percent of Americans wanting U.S. elections reserved for U.S. citizens?



Senate Majority Leader John Thune is determined to continue missing opportunities, but wants you to know that it’s not his fault. In the latest scene of this farce, last week Thune swore that he would bring the SAVE Act to the Senate floor for a vote (like he already promised to do at the end of February) … but, since he doesn’t have 60 votes, he would be “very, very surprised” if it passed.

The word “saboteur” comes to mind.

The Republicans could easily end the “zombie” filibuster — a piece of Senate paraphernalia of no nostalgic or traditional importance — by lowering cloture (the procedure to end debate and actually vote on a bill) from 60 to a simple 51 majority with Vice President Vance ready to break any ties.

But it’s even easier than that. Several weeks ago, in Human Events, Connie Hair (Rep. Louie Gohmert’s chief of staff for more than ten years) wrote concerning the Senate misheva over SAVE:

The Senate’s Standing Rules have been dissected ad nauseam since the House took S.1383, a bill already passed by the Senate, gutted its text, replaced it entirely with the SAVE America Act, and returned it as a privileged message. That procedural posture matters. There is no need to “nuke” the filibuster lowering the cloture threshold from 60 votes to 51 to call up the bill (emphasis mine). Under the Senate’s existing rules, the message can be called up for debate. After the two-speech rule is exhausted or there is no one left wishing to speak, the bill is voted up or down by simple majority.

In other words, the Senate leadership could bring up and pass the SAVE Act whenever it wanted. Not doing that reveals much more than Thune wants to publicly admit. As Hair says, “If Sen. Thune files for cloture anyway to resurrect a 60-vote hurdle, he is conceding that the Senate doesn’t intend to consider this bill. It’s a facade to cloak killing the bill while claiming they held the promised vote. 

Why is this important, besides the fact that 84 percent of Americans — Republican, Democrat, white, black, Hispanic — want the same basic election integrity protections already in place in the UK, Mexico and Canada? Because Senate leadership wants us to repeat one of the greatest mistakes of ancient Rome.

In 212 AD, Emperor Caracalla changed the direction of the Roman Empire by declaring practically everyone living within the empire to be Roman citizens. “I grant, therefore, to all free persons throughout the Roman world the citizenship of the Romans,” the emperor decreed

It was a cultural-political thunderbolt. Before this time, Roman citizenship had been a pearl of great price, jealously guarded. Being a Roman citizen set a man apart. Citizenship brought one fully into communion with the city via equality under the law and the right to vote. Citizenship meant that your family had been citizens since the founding of the city or, had earned the status through exceptional service or bravery. In fact, being a Roman went deeper than politics. Romanus sum — “I am a Roman” — preceded the legal category of citizen. In a real way, the citizen was part of the city and the city was part of the citizen, the two forming a whole.

Caracalla’s edict — whether a tactic to raise more tax money, a ploy to increase his troops (traditionally only citizens could be soldiers) or a bribe for the gods’ forgiveness after he murdered his brother, Geta — destroyed all that. Soldiers, who had before been united by the ties of citizenship and love of Rome, now had deeper loyalties to their local homes and tribes. Under the strain of incorporating millions of new citizens, the imperial government cracked even more. Bribery, corruption, and chaos spread and increased. Where before there had been unity, now the ground was more thickly sown with division and the potential for more.

Even worse than the political ramifications was the equal and opposite moral reaction: If everyone was a citizen, if the rights and privileges of citizenship were now just bureaucratic baubles for rulers to hand out for their own personal agenda, if Romanus sum was now just a box to be checked, what was the value of citizenship?

A similar question is before us now. With no way of telling if ballots are cast by living, breathing citizens, how can we tell if a certain election result is actually the will of the people? Once that question escapes the stable, the entire constitutional structure becomes suspect along with all forms of self-government. To paraphrase Confucius, every government depends on the loyalty and trust of its people. If that trust dies, nothing can hold them together except chains and whips.

This is the wildfire with which John Thune is playing. And it is a legitimate question, at this point, to ask why he is playing with it. What interests take precedence over 84 percent of Americans wanting U.S. elections reserved for U.S. citizens?

Whatever they are, they are powerful, taking precedence over even protecting one of the GOP’s own inner clubbers. Getting SAVE on the president’s desk could save Sen. John Cornyn’s (R-Texas) career by winning him a Trump endorsement. This is especially crucial to the senator since he only won 43 percent of the vote in his primary against Texas Attorney General Ken Paxton, who won 40 percent. They must now face off in a May runoff primary. And while Cornyn now writes New York Post op-eds declaring SAVE more important than the filibuster in an attempt to woo Texans, Thune seems more than content to let Cornyn sink.

Over this situation, President Trump wields much influence over GOP senators; endorsements, for example. But that does not mean we can just sit back and grill, waiting for Trump to do all the heavy lifting. Sen. Tim Scott, as chair of the National Republican Senatorial Committee, also wields considerable influence by determining which GOP Senate races receive what financial support. 10,000 citizens contacting his office, clearly expressing their anger at Thune’s ennui and their determination that the Senate not just vote on but pass SAVE, could cause a tectonic shift behind closed doors.

Changing government policy from the outside is always a tall order, but it is not without precedent. On Dec. 22, 1807, President Jefferson signed the Embargo Act which cut off all American trade with foreign nations. Opposition in New England was high and throughout 1808, the ordinary farmers, small merchants and sailors of New England fought back. Town hall meetings were organized. Speeches were given, articles written. Newburyport, Massachusetts gathered the signatures of 803 citizens on a petition requesting Congress repeal the Act. Other towns followed suit. The Congressional Massachusetts delegation acted as the bridge between their constituents and DC. The action of New Englanders paid off. Although James Madison won the presidential election of 1808, President Jefferson, as one of his last official acts, signed the repeal of the Embargo Act.

If we want to restore ourselves as independent, self-governing citizens, we must act as those New Englanders did. And we must act now, while GOP senators are reminded that tough tweets and promises are not enough anymore.

Strike while the iron is hot. 


How The GOP Can Stop Being The Do-Nothing Party And Offer America A Vision To Vote For


Congressional Republicans quickly become beholden to polls and media pressure — they need real vision and leadership.



I left my foxholes in the House and Senate almost 15 years ago. And, while continuing to work in D.C. supporting conservative members of Congress and an America-first conservative agenda, my perspective is now clearer as I look at policy debates inside the Capitol from across the street.

Sadly, looking from the outside in, it seems the competition inside the Capitol is increasingly between socialist Democrats and socialist Republicans. Any policy deemed bipartisan inevitably spends more money to create delusional government “solutions.” The Republicans who continue to fall for this insanity consider themselves to be enlightened moderates — much more constructive and compassionate than the uncivilized, rebellious conservatives. These “moderates” are regularly celebrated by the media.

This foxhole mentality eventually overtakes practically every Republican who stays in Congress too long. They lose sight of their original campaign promises and follow the media, the polls, and Republican leadership into box canyons where the only way out is left. Our so-called leadership become administrators who think their job is to make the trains run on time, forgetting their real job is to get the trains to run in the right direction. Rank-and-file Republicans are left with no leadership or vision of what they want America to become.

The current spectacle of political debates is reminiscent of my years as a strategic planning consultant for businesses, hospitals, universities, and school systems. It was difficult to get management and employees to refocus from short-term activities to long-term outcomes: the vision of what they wanted the organization to eventually look like.

I often used an exercise with puzzles in our planning meetings to help change their perspective. Participants were organized into groups of four sitting around small tables and given bags full of puzzle pieces, but no box tops with the pictures of finished puzzles. The groups would quickly begin to shuffle the pieces around on their tables and argue about where pieces should go, but few ever made much progress assembling their puzzles.

Everything changed when I handed out the box tops. There was immediate unity of purpose and division of labor. One participant would look for outside pieces to frame the picture while others collected pieces for the different sections of the puzzle. All the pieces found their places, and the puzzles were quickly finished.

The lesson is clear: Politicians need to have a picture of the finished puzzle so they will know where to put the pieces that make up coherent policies.

Republicans and Democrats have very different, mutually exclusive box tops for America — at least in theory when you listen to their campaign promises. The Democrats are mostly unified in their vision of an America where most services are provided or regulated by a national government. They will deny this description, but I challenge you to find any policies supported by Democrats that don’t fit this box top.

Republicans are less united but purport to want an America where the powers of our national government are extremely limited by a constitution that is a binding contract between the states, and this national government has very little involvement in the individual lives of people. This America provides for our national defense, justice for all, and the overall good of the country while protecting the powers of the states to regulate essential public services. All other rights are left to the people.

The Republican vision has been dimmed by years of compromise with the Democrat vision. Few Republicans even retain a dim view of an America guided by republican principles — principles derived from the concept of a decentralized constitutional republic rather than an all-powerful national government. Recently, when a group of centrist Republicans joined Democrats to extend Obamacare subsidies to insurance companies for another three years, I was reminded that few Republicans are even aware they are helping Democrats finish their puzzle for America. In this case, a government-run health care system.

There is still time for Republicans and the American people to recapture a unified vision where liberty, opportunity, prosperity, and civility thrive. This unified American vision will require a consensus among the people regarding the conceptual framework that consistently guides the development of policies to restore our constitutional foundation. A consensus among voters about the framework for good policy will create a political environment where good policies prevail. Milton Friedman, a Nobel Prize winner in Economics, put it this way:

I do not believe that the solution to our problem is simply to elect the right people. The important thing is to establish a political climate of opinion which will make it politically profitable for the wrong people to do the right thing.

This will be difficult but not impossible. I have developed a series of brief and, hopefully, simple articles to describe the sections of the puzzle that will match the real American box top and foster a public consensus to guide good policy. I’m grateful to The Federalist for agreeing to publish these articles.