Thursday, March 5, 2026

Trump Fires Noem Over Ads He Approved

 

Apparently, not committing perjury before the Senate is now a terminable offense.
Article by Believe it!


News broke today of Trump firing Kristi Noem after what he considered a poor performance before the Senate. At issue was Noem telling the truth under oath in response to a question from Sen. Kennedy about a "massive" $200 million ad that ran across the country, which mainly praised Trump for deporting dangerous illegal aliens, and informed the non-violent illegals that they should self-deport.



Aside from falsely framing the ad as Noem promoting herself, simply for featuring the head of DHS (herself) in the ad, Kennedy asked if Trump approved the ad buy. To which Noem responded that he did. To which Kennedy responded with cloutrage in accordance with the following reenactment:


This didn't sit well with Trump. You see, publicly signing a $1.2 trillion dollar minibus spending bill into law is fine and dandy, but $200 million dollars in ads informing the public of the administration's progress and deterring illegals from remaining within our borders is something Trump wants kept on the down-low.

So Trump began calling various senate RINOs to ask their opinion if he should fire Noem, to which Trump's mortal enemies replied, "…", followed quickly by, "Sure!". And why wouldn't they respond in the affirmative after recovering from the shock of Trump's blatantly moronic blunder in even considering the notion? Now Noem is fired, and any new nominee Trump puts forth can be blocked, unless it's an establishment RINO hack, of course.

Cast by the wayside are Noem's many RESULTS and accomplishments as Homeland Security Secretary.

- Greatly reduced fentanyl trafficking

- Zero illegal aliens released into the country from the border

- Approximately ~3 million self-deportations (which more than makes up for the $200M ads)

- Drastically fewer attempts at illegal border crossings

- Drastically increased deportations

- Lowest national murder rates in a hundred years

Lastly, Trump has denied approving of the ad money being spent, and has now created some meaningless position under Rubio and Hegseth for Noem to occupy in a foolish and counterproductive attempt to save face.


And so we are left with some odd questions to answer.

If Trump really didn't approve of the measly $200M for ads praising himself and informing the public, then this means Noem lied to the senate and is therefore guilt of perjury. So why would Trump keep a known perjurer in the administration? Why not have Scam Blondi prosecute her for her perjury? Why keep her on if she took it upon herself to spend money without Trump's permission?

Now, I'm sure you can tell by now that I believe Noem here, not Trump. She was the one under oath, after all. So why is Trump mad at her for ads he approved of? If this nontroversial bit of information is so embarrassing to Trump, then why isn't he mad at John Kennedy for asking Kristi Noem about it? Seems like he's the instigator here.

Why would Trump contact various senators to ask their opinion on firing Noem? Why bother listening to them? Does he need their opinions to decide if he's angry at Noem enough to fire her?

Why does optics matter over results?

If Noem should be fired for these ads, why shouldn't Trump resign for approving them?

Or is Trump just mad that she didn't perjure herself for him? Maybe he thinks she should have taken a fall for him? But why? There was nothing bad about the ads.

Or is this just some Swamp game to get senators to pass the Save Act? Like that will happen. It's dead on arrival.

In any case, this is just another example of how we are still in the middle of the Fraudulent 20s, and that Trump is still a major perpetrator of the charade. Trump will remove Noem, but not Scam Blondi or Trash Poo-Tell. Very telling.

Iran's Last Hope Is American Division


The United States is winning.

Anyone telling you otherwise is either mistaken — or rooting for a different outcome.

That may sound blunt. But it happens to be true.

The Iranian regime's best remaining strategy is not military. It is political. Tehran is not counting on its air defenses, which are being shredded. It is not counting on its ballistic missile program, which has been systematically dismantled. It is not counting on its nuclear infrastructure, which is being methodically degraded.

It is counting on Americans.

More specifically, it is counting on a strange and uncomfortable coalition inside the United States: a segment of the Left that reflexively opposes anything undertaken by President Donald Trump, and a faction on the populist Right that insists American power is inherently corrupt and that any projection of it must be illegitimate. That coalition — unlikely as it seems — is Iran's last real hope.

Because on the battlefield, the facts are stubborn.

According to reports, Israeli strikes have targeted senior leadership facilities, including sites tied to succession planning within Iran's governing structure. The United States, meanwhile, has struck Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps facilities and ballistic missile sites across the country. Iran's capacity to threaten its neighbors — and eventually the West — is being reduced in real time.

And at a cost that, while never trivial in war, underscores the scale of American military superiority.

In the 1991 Gulf War, the United States lost 294 servicemembers. In Afghanistan, roughly 2,300. In Iraq, more than 4,500. Operation Inherent Resolve, the campaign against ISIS, cost 124 American lives.

In the current operation — Operation Epic Fury — six American servicemembers have been killed.

Every death is a tragedy. No serious person minimizes that. But it is also true that American military capability has evolved dramatically. This is not 1968. It is not a Vietnam-style quagmire with thousands of casualties mounting toward strategic stalemate. It is a display of overwhelming technological, intelligence and operational dominance.

The Israeli Air Force reportedly flew roughly 1,200 sorties in three days without a single combat loss. The United States has conducted extensive operations in theater without losing aircraft over Iran. That is not what losing looks like.

Which brings us back to Tehran's messaging strategy.

Iranian Foreign Minister Abbas Araghchi has taken to posting in English, directing his appeals squarely at American audiences. His argument rests on three pillars: that Iran was never a threat, that negotiations were proceeding in good faith, and that the United States was manipulated into war on Israel's behalf.

Each claim collapses under scrutiny.

First, the notion that Iran posed no threat ignores both its missile development and its nuclear progress. U.S. envoy Steve Witkoff recently detailed the scale of Iran's enriched uranium stockpiles —including material enriched to 60 percent purity, alarmingly close to weapons grade. That is not theoretical capability. That is a short breakout timeline.

Second, the claim of good-faith negotiations falters when one examines the reported American offer: a decade of zero enrichment, with the United States supplying fuel. That proposal was rejected. If the objective was purely civilian nuclear energy, the offer would have been attractive. Its dismissal suggests other priorities.

Third, the argument that America was somehow cucked by Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu is not serious analysis. It is internet theater. Secretary of State Marco Rubio put the strategic case plainly: Within a year to 18 months, Iran could have crossed what he described as a "line of immunity," accumulating sufficient short-range missiles and drones to deter effective counteraction.

The window was closing.

That reality explains the timing more convincingly than conspiracy theories do.

History offers a cautionary note. Adversarial regimes have long attempted to fracture American domestic support during wartime. During World War II, Axis propagandists beamed radio broadcasts at Allied populations. During Vietnam, North Vietnamese leadership understood that battlefield setbacks could be offset by political erosion in the United States. The strategy is familiar: If you cannot win militarily, try to win psychologically.

Tehran is attempting the same maneuver.

It is firing drones toward regional targets in symbolic displays of defiance. But its most consequential salvos are rhetorical, aimed at American social media feeds rather than American aircraft carriers.

The uncomfortable truth for Iran is that its military options are narrowing. Its air defenses have proven porous. Its infrastructure is vulnerable. Its deterrent credibility has been badly shaken.

That does not mean the conflict is risk-free. War always contains uncertainty. Escalation is always possible. Skepticism is not disloyalty; demanding clear objectives and accountability from leaders is a civic duty.

But analysis should begin with reality.

And the reality is, the United States and its allies currently possess escalation dominance, operational superiority and strategic momentum. The Iranian regime's primary remaining lever is the hope that Americans will convince themselves they are losing -- even as evidence suggests otherwise.

The United States is winning.

And Tehran knows it.


Podcast and entertainment thread for March 5th

 


Feels like Spring has come early. :))

Trump’s Iran Policies Are Always ‘America First’


During his first term, President Trump was keenly aware that Russia had designs on invading Ukraine. Trump’s “peace through strength” agenda ensured that Vladimir Putin didn’t force his military might against a European ally.

Right after he won his second election, Syrian President Bashar al-Assad lost control and was chased out by a rebel force. President Trump has opened diplomatic channels with the new Syrian president, and Christians and Jews are slowly regaining their place in the country.

In his second term, Trump is unfettered in the pursuit of a broad America First agenda while confronting lingering conflicts on the world stage. More countries in Europe have joined NATO. His increased foreign policy exertions have forced NATO allies to pay their fair share for their self-defense.

Let’s not forget that Israel is standing on its own, working with rather than fully depending on the United States. This is America first! Notice that more countries are moving their embassies to Jerusalem, following Trump’s lead from 2018. This solidifies Israel’s claim and ownership of the entire city and puts an end to the noxious protestations of pro-Palestinian militants.

Now, regarding Iran, you have all the above clowns listed in the first paragraph complaining that President Trump is suckering the United States into a massive World War. Iran is weak and beggarly. Iran’s leaders have slowly but surely lost whatever powers, intricate implications, investments, and interventions they’ve had throughout the Middle East and throughout the world.

But is there justification for American aggression against Iran?

Absolutely!

November 7, 1979: The Islamic militants who deposed the Shah seized the American embassy. They held 52 U.S. diplomats hostage for 444 days. That alone justifies our longstanding hostility against Iran.

April 18, 1983: Iran bombed the US Embassy in Beirut, Lebanon. 63 killed.

October 23, 1983: Iran bombed the US Marine barracks in Beirut, Lebanon. 307 people killed.

June 25, 1996: Iran bombs the United States Air Force barracks at Khobar Tower in Saudi Arabia. 19 Americans were killed.

This country’s parliament burned the American flag on the floor of its own Parliament. They have called for the destruction of our country many times over. They have been developing nuclear technology with uranium. The Iranian Mullahs comprise a fanatical eschatological regime that will engage in destruction to bring the Mahdi. The American Jewish Committee summarizesfour decades of Iranian terror against the United States.

This is a country that, working with Russia, South Africa, and Brazil, wanted to eliminate the U.S. dollar as the global reserve currency. With such a drastic usurpation, American citizens would have endured hyperinflation of the worst order, crippling our economy and international standing.

Beyond Iran’s ongoing aggressions against the American military, let’s talk about the Mullahs’ connections with Mexican drug cartels and other hostile powers in Latin America. Along with Venezuela and Cuba, Iran has been providing most of the oil to the noxious axis-level adversaries like Russia and China. These communist and Islamist regimes have remained on life support because of Iranian backing.

As everyone should know, Islamic terror never stayed in the Middle East, but intruded upon the United States. How many mass shootings have we dealt with because of wild Islamic militants in our own country? And I’m not just talking about 9/11!

Iran has repeatedly targeted our shipping lines through their proxies, like the Houthis in Yemen, as well as Hezbollah. 15% of trade goes through the Red Sea and the Strait of Hormuz, and Iran was repeatedly attacking our trading efforts. This is a problem we should have never tolerated in the first place.

It is absolutely in the United States’ best interest to take out the Ayatollah and his murderous Islamic regime. Indeed, eliminating Islamic terror from the world is a plus for the United States, as well.

All the determined detractors still triggered by the Bush era of failures in Iraq have failed to acknowledge that President Trump has not put one American soldier’s feet on hostile foreign soil. We accomplished a masterful strike against Iran’s nuclear capabilities in 2025. And in the last week, the United States and Israel have all but finished the job, finishing off the Ayatollah and all his extensive entourage.

For anyone who claims the president lacks the authority to execute these actions, they can review the War Powers Act of 1973. The president has been granted that authority by Congress to use limited military authority as needed. The Act also provides that, in time, Congress can step up and retract the authority.

President Trump is not engaged in regime change. He is simply providing for native peoples in their countries to accomplish the regime change they needed and wanted, but did not have the power to achieve. This is America First.


Restoring Western Confidence


Many Americans are puzzled by the rise of newly naturalized citizens who quickly ascend to high office. Figures such as Ilhan Omar and Zohran Mamdani have achieved political prominence in a timeframe that contrasts sharply with earlier immigrant families -- such as the Kennedys -- who spent generations establishing roots before seeking national leadership. To some observers, these newer officeholders appear less focused on representing the country as it is and more intent on confidently reshaping it according to very different ideological visions.

Moreover, this pattern of boldly imposing alternative values is even more pronounced in the United Kingdom and parts of Western Europe where expansive hate-speech and public-order laws have narrowed the boundaries of acceptable dissent, discouraging open debate about immigration, national identity, and cultural change.

Consider the controversy surrounding the co-owner of Manchester United who, facing considerable backlash, was forced to apologize after describing Britain as having been “colonized.” Clearly Britain -- and a wider Europe -- are increasingly uneasy about asserting its own cultural norms, wary of offending, and uncertain of the legitimacy of inherited traditions.

Little wonder then, that Secretary of State Marco Rubio was dispatched to the 2026 Munich Security Conference to deliver a measured but unmistakable warning: without a recovery of civilizational confidence, Europe risks “civilizational erasure,” with consequences not only for its internal cohesion but for the transatlantic alliance itself. In an effort to re-engage leaders who seemed uncertain and defensive, Rubio outlined the steps necessary to restore the transatlantic alliance and secure its future.

His remarks hinted at a deeper problem -- one rooted less in policy failure than in an intellectual climate embedded in academia which is mired in postcolonial guilt that has sapped the West’s confidence and left it trapped in self-doubt and strategic paralysis.

It's time to examine the intellectual frameworks through which we understand empire, identity, and historical responsibility.

Selective Guilt: Postcolonialism’s Silence on Islamic Conquest

Since the 1960s the field of postcolonial studies, starting at Columbia in NYC but spreading throughout Europe, has focused overwhelmingly on the “unjust” legacy of Western empire. Its founding figure, Edward Said, argued in Orientalism that western scholarship systematically distorted -- even “exoticized” -- the cultures of the Middle East and Asia. Such representations, he contended, served to assert European cultural superiority and to furnish moral justification for imperial expansion.

This exclusive focus on western culpability has shaped generations of students and policymakers. Since the 1960s, these postcolonial programs have contributed to a pervasive sense of civilizational guilt in the West, often accompanied by a crisis of cultural confidence. In public life, this has manifested in skepticism toward assimilationist policies and a growing reluctance to articulate shared national norms.

Into that vacuum entered alternative value systems, including forms of Islamic supremacism cloaked in the language of religious liberty and free speech, to press for parallel norms within Western societies.

Our task now is to expand the cultural frameworks through which the legacy of colonialism is examined.

A genuinely critical postcolonial studies would not confine itself to Western sins alone. It would examine imperial power wherever it arose, subjecting all civilizational projects -- European, Ottoman, Mughal or otherwise -- to the same historical standards. Only then can the discipline move beyond moral asymmetry and towards a more intellectually coherent account of the past -- and a clearer understanding of the present.

 Reclaiming “Narrative Control” of History

As Marco Rubio observed, the West, basking in the glow of the Berlin Wall’s collapse, accepted too readily the notion -- popularized by Francis Fukuyama -- that this marked “the end of history.” Liberal democracy, with its protections for individual liberty, its free markets, and its openness to the movement of goods and peoples, was presumed to have triumphed. The ideological contest was over.

It was not.

In the following decades, western leaders failed to articulate a coherent post-Cold War civilizational narrative. Narrative control over history was ceded to post-Edward Said theorists who framed Western history as uniquely colonial and uniquely culpable. Within that narrow framework, other imperial traditions -- including Islam’s -- received scant attention. The result is not balance but asymmetry.

If postcolonial studies is to mature as a discipline, it must widen its scope. Islamic empires, like European ones, combined achievement with coercion. AsTrevor Barnes notes in The Two Legacies: How European and Islamic Expansion Shaped Our World Differently, Islamic expansion produced periods of intellectual and architectural brilliance, but also entailed military conquest, coercive rule, legally enforced hierarchies, economic restrictions, and the cultural subordination and humiliation of conquered peoples.

Two areas in particular deserve scrutiny.

First, the treatment of non-Muslims under classical Islamic rule. Dhimmicommunities were accorded protected but subordinate status, marked by legal disabilities and the payment of the jizya tax. While practices varied across time and place, the system institutionalized religious hierarchy -- a reality rarely explored with the same moral intensity applied to the West or their colonial administrations.

Second, slavery. Western curricula understandably devote considerable attention to the transatlantic slave trade and its enduring consequences. Yet far less attention is paid to the Arab-Muslim slave trade, spanning from the seventh to the twentieth centuries and, by many estimates, introduced millions of Africans and others across North Africa, the Middle East and beyond. Enslaved persons were employed in domestic service, military roles, and as concubines; male captives were often castrated, extinguishing progeny.

Nor is there sustained recognition that Britain abolished its slave trade in 1807 and slavery itself in 1833, thereafter deploying the Royal Navy at considerable cost to suppress the trade globally. The historical record is complex -- implicating African, Arab, and European actors alike -- yet Western institutions have tended to focus moral reckoning almost exclusively inward.

The Way Toward Reclaiming Cultural Confidence

The point is not competitive victimhood, nor the minimization of western wrongdoing. It is intellectual consistency. If empire” is to be scrutinized as a category, it must be scrutinized everywhere.

Cultural confidence rests on knowledge -- of western achievements in science, law, and constitutional government, as Rubio emphasized, but also of the full historical record of other imperial systems. That work must begin where the prevailing orthodoxy took root: inside the academy -- in America, Britain, France, Germany, and Italy alike.

On the other side of the ledger, the failures and coercions of Islamic imperial history must be examined with the same candor applied to Europe. A civilization unwilling to confront uncomfortable facts -- whether about itself or about others -- forfeits narrative authority.

If the West continues to shrink from that task, the warnings about civilizational erasure will cease to be rhetorical and become sober descriptions. There is little time left for hesitation.


386,000 Federal Jobs Gone. Washington Didn’t Even Notice.

386,000 Federal Jobs Gone. Washington Didn’t Even Notice.

Kenny Holston/The New York Times via AP, Pool

When he began his second term, President Donald Trump promised to make the federal government leaner and more efficient. One year into that promise, the numbers tell a story that few in Washington appear eager to discuss: The disappearance of nearly 400,000 federal jobs, yet daily government operations continue without obvious disruption.

A workforce reduction that large cripples most organizations; in the private sector, losing that many positions triggers emergency meetings, halts production lines, and sparks panic among executives. Washington, however, kept moving along as if someone merely cleaned a few old files out of a drawer.

The federal workforce shrank by 386,826 positions during the first year of Trump's second term. Administration leaders framed the effort as a long-overdue correction of decades of unchecked growth inside federal agencies. The work fell largely under the Department of Government Efficiency when Elon Musk served as the department's co-chair and was tasked with identifying layers of bureaucracy that had quietly multiplied over many administrations.

The numbers behind the reduction reveal how large the bureaucracy had become; roughly 317,000 federal employees left government positions during 2025. About 68,000 new workers entered federal service during the same period. Departures far outpaced hiring across nearly every major agency: Education, Housing, and Treasury experienced some of the largest workforce declines.

The Trump administration’s efforts to reduce staffing across agencies resulted in the loss of more than 317,000 federal employees governmentwide. It’s a 13.7% decrease compared with September 2024 workforce numbers, according to Office of Personnel Management data.

At the same time, 68,000 new federal employees joined the civil service during 2025, according to OPM Director Scott Kupor. Combining attrition and hiring data, the administration’s changes over 2025 resulted in a net staffing decrease of about 10.8%.

Kupor touted the results as exceeding the administration’s goals, saying that relatively few losses were due to reductions in force (RIFs) and the firing of probationary employees. Out of all employees who left their jobs in the last year, “over 92% did so voluntarily,” he said, mainly via the deferred resignation program (DRP).

“None of this is to minimize the impact of anyone losing a job, but the ‘mass firing’ headlines do not in fact tell the full story,” Kupor wrote in a Dec. 10 post on X.

The most surprising development involves what didn't happen after the reductions: Government services didn't collapse, federal agencies didn't shut down, passport offices still process applications, Social Security checks still arrive, airports still screen passengers, and daily operations continue with little visible difference for most Americans.

That outcome raises an uncomfortable question about how large the federal bureaucracy had grown before the cuts began. Eliminating hundreds of thousands of jobs without a noticeable slowdown suggests many positions had little connection to core government functions.

Government employment had expanded steadily for years. Administrative offices, policy divisions, and regulatory units multiplied inside agencies. Entire departments existed primarily to manage paperwork generated by other departments, and redundancy often became a feature of the system instead of a flaw. The reductions now underway aim to strip away those layers.

Administration officials describe the process as a shift toward a smaller workforce focused on essential services. The fiscal 2026 federal budget continues the effort, proposing an additional 140,000 position reductions through agency consolidations and program closures, including the planned shutdown of Job Corps operations.

Reduction supporters argue the numbers prove a point critics long denied: Washington expanded far beyond what the government actually required to function.

Behind the policy debate stand real people who lost steady work; many federal employees spent years building careers in public service. Most didn't design the bureaucratic maze that surrounded them; they accepted existing jobs and performed the duties assigned to them. Losing a position still means mortgage payments, groceries, health insurance, and school tuition, and suddenly it is much harder to manage.

There isn’t good data on how many of those employees lived and worked in the DMV, but the D.C. area is home to 15% of federal workers.

The first sign of large-scale layoffs came in February, when almost 25,000 probationary employees with little job protection were sent packing. That was the first of many Trump-administration reductions to be challenged and at least temporarily halted in court.

Many of those fights continue.

The losses peaked in July and August as the federal government offered deferred retirement packages. The Partnership for Public Service says there were almost 68,000 reductions in July and 56,000 in August.

Some people took advantage of voluntary buyouts; others were laid off or had their agencies restructured. Communities with heavy federal employment felt the impact most sharply. Kansas City alone lost about 2,800 federal positions, roughly a 10% drop in the local federal workforce. Missouri experienced a 13% decline in federal employment statewide, while Kansas saw reductions reach roughly 15%.

Supporters of Trump's effort argue that painful adjustments often accompany structural reform, while critics counter that rapid cuts risk weakening agencies responsible for regulation, safety, and oversight.

There's a single fact that stands beyond dispute: removing nearly 400,000 positions without stopping the machinery of government exposes how deeply Washington's bureaucracy has expanded. The machine still runs, the lights still turn on each morning, and the paperwork still moves across desks.

For reform advocates, that reality confirms the belief that trimming the federal workforce didn't cripple government operations. It revealed just how much excess had accumulated inside the system over the decades.

For the rest of Washington, the result creates an uncomfortable silence.

 

History Can Be Kind to Him

 
The Road to the American Revolution

By Jared Gould

On March 3, 1776, colonial forces launched a naval assault on the British port of Nassau. The raid seized two forts and a substantial cache of military supplies that the Revolution, which would be cemented into parchment in just a few months, desperately needed.

Colonial forces suffered chronic shortages of munitions throughout 1775, so Commodore Esek Hopkins, a Continental naval officer who was actually tasked by the Second Continental Congress to patrol the Virginia and Carolina coastlines, set his sights on Nassau, where he and his some 200 men could capture supplies from British forts.

The fleet departed Cape Henlopen, Delaware, on February 17, reaching the Bahamas two weeks later. Continental Marines landed on March 1, taking Fort Montagu—but the slow advance gave Governor Montfort Browne enough time to load most of Nassau’s gunpowder onto ships bound for St. Augustine. The town fell on March 4, and after two weeks, they carried away 88 cannon and 15 mortars. 103 pieces of artillery in total, surpassing even Ethan Allen’s seizure of Fort Ticonderoga in May 1775.

The return voyage was almost uneventful. But on April 4, off the waters near Long Island, the fleet captured HMS Hawk, a six-gun British schooner. The following day, they seized the British merchant brig Bolton.

It was almost all a win; however, on April 6, the fleet encountered HMS Glasgow near Block Island, roughly nine to 13 miles off the southern coast of Rhode Island. The colonial navy not only failed to capture Glasgow, but the British badly damaged two colonial ships, Cabot and Alfred; wounded the Cabot’s captain, Hopkins’s own son John Burroughs Hopkins; and killed or wounded eleven others. The fleet arrived at New London on April 8, battered from the engagement.

Initially, Hopkins was celebrated. John Hancock, president of the Continental Congress, congratulated Hopkins on the “spirit and bravery” of his men. But the goodwill didn’t last. His poorly managed engagement with the British off Rhode Island did him no favors with a Southern delegation that was furious that he had ignored his orders to protect the Virginia and Carolina coastlines. Congress censured Hopkins in August 1776, suspended him in 1777, and dismissed him from the navy in early 1778.

The lesson of Hopkins’s story, some may say, is a simple one about the limits of boldness: breaking orders, however fruitful, invites punishment. But others may say that the lesson is that the men who deliver what is needed are not always celebrated in the moment. Without those captured munitions, the Revolution would have suffered. Hopkins delivered what was desperately needed and was cast aside for it.

In our day, bold initiatives, undertaken outside the bounds of what cautious men would sanction, are not celebrated either. They are picked apart even before the consequences of their undertakings are fully known. Hopkins was censured by August, but history can be kinder to him.

Whether the man who has taken bold initiatives in our own time will be judged kindly by history, only time will tell.

Follow Jared Gould on X.

https://amrev250.substack.com/p/history-can-be-kind-to-him

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Why You Should Probably Be More Prejudiced


Prejudice is an inescapable concept. 
We all have some level of prejudices. 
The question is, are they the right ones?



Imagine you’re on a bus in London. Now, stretch a bit and imagine everyone around you seems like an upstanding citizen. Nobody’s got a machete. Nobody’s naked, and nobody’s harassing the elderly.

The bus stops, and a young woman gets on. She sets down her bag, settles into her chair, and then puts her feet up on the seat in front of her.

What will the reaction to this be? The answer depends on time.

If this were to happen in 1996, the passengers would notice, some would mumble to themselves, and at least one person would ask her to put her feet down. And, in 1996, she would.

If this were to happen in 2006 — as it did to writer Theodore Dalrymple — and someone were curmudgeonly enough to ask her to put her feet down, he would be met with protest, “Why? I’m not hurting anyone. There’s no law against it. No one is even sitting there.”

And if this were to happen in 2026, no one would even notice because they were too busy looking out for that naked guy with a machete.

What changed? Well, for one, prejudices changed.

Dalrymple grew up in a country in which putting your feet up on an empty bus seat was unseemly. When he saw someone break this unspoken rule, he responded as he did. The woman, though, grew up in a country in which the position of one’s feet was a matter of self-expression. The only thing that limits that self-expression is harm to others and the strong arm of the law. This was her assumption going into this — and I assume every other — interaction. She didn’t feel the need to justify her assumption, her prejudice, but demanded that Dalrymple justify his. And because he wasn’t able to give a full PowerPoint presentation as to why she shouldn’t put her feet on the seat, her feet stayed.

This story illustrates several points. First, everyone has prejudices. Second, prejudices can be good or bad. And third, collective prejudice is just another word for culture.

Let’s use Russell Kirk’s definition of prejudice: 

Prejudice is pre-judgment, the answer with which intuition and ancestral consensus of opinion supply a man when he lacks either time or knowledge to arrive at a decision predicated upon pure reason.

It’s what some might call a “gut instinct” — intuitive, automatic, and prerational, but not necessarily irrational.

Everyone Has Prejudices

The War on Prejudice as such is probably best exemplified by the French Revolutionaries, who, in a 1794 Decree of the Committee of Public Safety (what a name), said: “The transition of an oppressed nation to democracy is like the effort by which nature rose from nothingness to existence. You must entirely refashion a people whom you wish to make free, destroy its prejudices, alter its habits, limit its necessities, root up its vices, purify its desires.”

They wanted to turn the French people into a blank slate and thereby “make them free.” Burn it all down so they could Build Back Better.

These days, nobody believes in the blank slate as a reality. But too many of us believe in it as an ideal. “Wouldn’t it be nice,” we think, “if people had no preconceived ideas.” We can each be a little Descartes with no inherited beliefs — only capital “R” Reason. It may flatter you, but it’s an illusion.

In the words of Richard Weaver, “Life without prejudice, were it ever to be tried, would soon reveal itself to be a life without principle. For prejudices … are often built-in principles. They are the extract which the mind has made of experience.”

If we say that we have no prejudices, we deceive ourselves, and the truth is not in us.

Prejudices: Good and Bad

So prejudice is an inescapable concept. We all have prejudices. The question is, are they the right ones?

It used to be a broadly held prejudice that families should have meals together. If the average Dad or Mom were asked to justify this practice from first principles, they couldn’t do it. Even so, generations of families did this every night. And the more widespread it was, the less they’d feel the need to justify it at all. Only as it came under assault did people have to make arguments for it.

This prejudice in favor of the family meal was replaced — not with nothing — but with a prejudice against it. These days, the popular picture of a family dinner is a place of flavorless food and barely concealed hatred. So, naturally, people don’t do it.

Again, neither of these things happened because people ran the numbers, looked at the data, and made an objective scientific decision. They’re prerational — or at least nonrational — views of what family dinners are. Here, one prejudice was swapped out for another.

We’ll throw out any prejudice just because it’s old. “Sure, people used to do X, but come on, man. It’s the ’90s, it’s Hammer time.” This is the exact opposite of Burke’s approach:

You see, Sir, that in this enlightened age I am bold enough to confess that we are generally men of untaught feelings: that, instead of casting away all our old prejudices, we cherish them to a very considerable degree; and, to take more shame to ourselves, we cherish them because they are prejudices; and the longer they have lasted, and the more generally they have prevailed, the more we cherish them. We are afraid to put men to live and trade each on his own private stock of reason; because we suspect that the stock in each man is small, and that the individuals would do better to avail themselves of the general bank and capital of nations and of ages. … Prejudice is of ready application in the emergency; it previously engages the mind in a steady course of wisdom and virtue, and does not leave the man hesitating in the moment of decision, skeptical, puzzled, and unresolved. Prejudice renders a man’s virtue his habit, and not a series of unconnected acts. Through just prejudice, his duty becomes a part of his nature.

This isn’t just true at the individual level.

Prejudice as Culture

Really, “culture” is just another word for the collective prejudices of a people. Or, we might say, the “common sense” of a people.

I said prejudice is prerational. But that’s true only at the level of the individual. In another sense, it is post-rational. Other people reasoned this out or learned a lesson from experience. This saves us a lot of trouble. To quote Thomas Sowell, culture exists “to spare the next generation the costly and dangerous process of learning everything all over again from scratch through trial and error — including fatal errors.”

It’s not the height of reason to make each generation discover fire for themselves — or that you shouldn’t use that fire to burn widows. But we’re too good for that kind of thinking.

Here’s G.K. Chesterton: 

If the modern man is indeed the heir of all the ages, he is often the kind of heir who tells the family solicitor to sell the whole damned estate, lock, stock, and barrel, and give him a little ready money to throw away at the races or the nightclubs.

We’re living in the aftermath of this process. Our inheritance is long since spent, which is not great news for us if we want to cultivate healthy prejudices. If the decay were less advanced, we could just stop being stupid and fall back on the culture’s good instincts. But we’re not so lucky.

Why We Stink at This

Even if we’ve woken up to the fact that we all have prejudices, and that we’d better strengthen our good ones, we’re in a tough spot. Our prejudices no longer come from trusted elders, our immediate social circle, or our experience in the world, but from mass media — in most of our cases, algorithms.

We like to make fun of the libs who were radicalized by Disney Plus shows to assault law enforcement or the MSNBC Americans holding signs and playing djembe drums in the town square. They are playing a character in a drama that in no way resembles reality. When they watch cable news, they’re watching an entertainment product, dressed up as information, that exists as a way to sell ED pills and pocket catheters.

But that doesn’t mean you’re better off watching content curated by an algorithm. When you do, you aren’t looking at an unvarnished picture of the world. You’re looking at a picture of the world designed to fit you based on your revealed preferences. There is no algorithm designed to give you Burke’s “general bank and capital of nations and of ages.”

And we’re no closer to the real world just because our slop was filmed on phone cameras. The internet — especially algorithm-based social media — is a distraction machine, and distraction destroys memory. 

And to quote Nicholas Carr, “Personal memory shapes and sustains the ‘collective memory’ that underpins culture. … Culture is sustained in our synapses.”

How can a collective memory form today? You spend hours a day consuming content tailored to your appetites and then look around at other people who have been doing the same. In short, the internet has had the same effect on our common memory and common sense as the French Revolution sought to have on the French populace. This makes us vulnerable, not only to the whims of the elites but also to other stronger cultures.

The West has very little holding it together. Culture, common sense, folk wisdom, unwritten rules — these are core things that make a nation cohere. But that’s not as much of a problem in other places. Yes, the internet goes everywhere, but the effects haven’t been as destructive everywhere. Our culture was already hollowed out by the time the internet came around.

On the other hand, the Islamic world hadn’t been weakening itself for the last century. Neither had the Hindu world. These cultures with a stronger sense of self will swallow up a weakened West if we don’t get our act together.

In 2024, a 90-foot statue of a Hindu god known as “Hanuman the Monkey King” was unveiled in Sugar Land, Texas.

Also in 2024, EPIC City was announced in Texas, with EPIC standing for “East Plano Islamic Center.” It’s a 402-acre plot that would be a self-sustained Islamic city about 40 minutes from where I used to live. Closer to my home in Texas than my church was.

The reaction of conservative Americans was, of course, outrage. They went scrambling, looking for a law they could use to argue against it. They debated the “true meaning” of the First Amendment but to no avail.

They were like the opposing team in Air Bud when the dog walks onto the basketball court. Surely this can’t be allowed. It’s insane. But as we all know, “Ain’t no rule says a dog can’t play basketball.”

So I guess that settles it.

I guess we have to drive past 90-foot monkey statues on the way to work.

I guess we have to live 40 minutes from a colony of muslims.

I guess we have to play basketball with a dog.

Throughout the controversy, no one just said, “No, thanks. That’s not how we do things here.” Because really, who’s to say how we do things here? What is “we” anyway? What is “here”?

They’re not hurting anyone. There’s no law against it. And there’s no one sitting in that bus seat.

This is the way the world ends. This is the way the world ends.