Wednesday, January 7, 2026

Sovereignty Is Not A Get-Out-Of-Jail Card


Trump’s Venezuela strike exposes the collapse of international law and restores responsibility to global order.


The report from Caracas did not shock so much as it clarified. What startled commentators was not that President Donald Trump acted, but that he acted without first genuflecting before the broken furniture of the international system. For decades, power has been expected to apologize for itself. This president did the opposite, and in doing so exposed how hollow the reigning orthodoxies have become.

The operation against NicolΓ‘s Maduro was neither impulsive nor ornamental. It followed a long pattern in which the Venezuelan regime weaponized criminality while hiding behind the language of sovereignty. Narcotrafficking, jihadist financing networks, and political repression were not unfortunate side effects of governance in Caracas; they were the business model. International law, as currently practiced, did not restrain that model. It protected it. That is the core failure President Trump is addressing.

The dominant fiction holds that international law operates as a neutral referee, disciplining state behavior through shared norms. In reality, rogue regimes have learned to treat it as a litigation strategy. They do not comply with its substance; they exploit its procedures. Sovereignty becomes a legal shield rather than a political responsibility. Multilateral forums become sanctuaries where delay, outrage, and moral inversion neutralize accountability. The result is not order, but paralysis.

Trump’s intervention punctured this arrangement by refusing to confuse legality with legitimacy. When a president responds to hybrid warfare with military force, he does not do so cheaply. He risks domestic backlash, diplomatic retaliation, and the predictable hysteria of those who believe that action itself is suspect. That expenditure of political capital matters. It signals seriousness. It restores the link between decision and consequence that international governance has spent decades dissolving.

Sovereignty, in Trump’s formulation, is not a magic incantation. It does not absolve a regime that empties elections of meaning, criminalizes opposition, and funds itself through transnational crime. Maduro’s government perfected the art of using sovereignty to drain democratic accountability from politics. Borders became excuses; constitutions became props. International law, instead of challenging this fraud, provided it with cover.

The deeper problem lies in procedural fetishism. When process is treated as an end in itself, responsibility disappears. Formal compliance replaces moral judgment. This is why the most enthusiastic defenders of procedural purity are often those least interested in democratic outcomes. The global Left has made a creed of this inversion. By sanctifying process, it shields authoritarian elites from scrutiny while claiming the mantle of legality. The defense of procedure becomes a defense of power without consent.

Multilateralism has followed the same trajectory. It no longer aspires to neutrality. It has become an engine of resentment politics, a forum where Western restraint is treated as weakness and Western action as original sin. Every grievance is validated, every failure externalized. Institutions once meant to manage conflict now reward obstruction and rhetorical extremism. They do not solve problems; they curate them. This is not law. It is ideology wearing a badge.

Trump’s realism cuts through this with a bluntness that unsettles those invested in the status quo. He does not mistake talk for governance or consensus for legitimacy. He understands that deterrence requires credibility, and credibility requires a willingness to act. When U.S. Secretary of State Marco Rubio says “when this president makes a statement, he means it,” the observation captures a shift that extends beyond rhetoric. Meaning it is now policy.

Critics label this unilateralism, but the charge collapses under scrutiny. The alternative on offer is not cooperative order but managed decay. An international comity that substitutes wishful thinking for enforcement does not preserve peace; it invites predation. Regimes like Maduro’s learned that outrage would be louder than consequences, and that time would always be on their side. Trump reversed that lesson. 

What emerges is not the abandonment of order, but its reconstruction on firmer ground. Law regains purpose when it constrains behavior rather than excuses it. Multilateral engagement regains value when it complements action rather than replaces it. Power regains legitimacy when it accepts responsibility instead of hiding behind procedure.

The Venezuela operation fits within this broader recalibration. It signals that hybrid warfare will be treated as warfare, not as a public relations problem. It tells criminal regimes that sovereignty is not a get-out-of-jail card. It tells allies that American commitments are not conditional on applause from international panels.

This approach carries costs, and President Trump does not deny them. It offends bureaucracies whose influence depends on drift. It alarms partners who prefer ambiguity to decision. It enrages ideologues who rely on American hesitation to sustain their moral narratives. Yet it also restores something essential to international politics: discrimination. Not every regime is equal. Not every claim deserves respect. Not every violation can be talked away.

Maduro is only the most recent beneficiary of this clarity. Others are adjusting their calculations, which is precisely the point. Deterrence does not require universal consent. It requires belief. For too long, the world learned that Western power doubted itself before acting and apologized afterward. That habit has been broken.

The age of procedural alibis is ending. Sovereignty without responsibility no longer guarantees protection. International law, stripped of its performative excesses, may yet recover its function. Until then, order will be maintained by leaders willing to decide rather than defer. The difference today is stark. This president does not issue statements to be admired. He issues them to be enforced.


Podcast thread for Jan 7

 


Ugh, head has been hurting all day. πŸ˜’

Why Do They Try to Make Bad Things Cool?


If someone came up to you and said, "Hey, you're punctual, focused on achievement, prioritizing evidence over emotion, and determined to succeed on merit," you would probably reply, "Thanks!" But that's not a compliment, at least not coming from the Left. No, that's an indictment. See, you are demonstrating "white supremacy." These characteristics, which built this country from a land of Stone Age savages into the greatest, most prosperous nation ever known, are, in fact, bad. You know it because "white supremacy" is bad, and these things constitute "white supremacy."

So, why are they trying to make things that are bad seem awesome? They understand that controlling the language means controlling thought. It's label creep – the creeps expand the definition of bad concepts to include good things that they hate because the good things keep the leftists from getting what they want.

Only a weirdo adheres to "white supremacy" as normal people would understand it. Goofs going around sounding off about how they are cool for happening to be born a particular race – black, brown, and yellow supremacy are equally ridiculous concepts – is a clown. Your race is not an achievement; it's just a thing, and one you had zero to do with. So, that's why we understand the term "white supremacy" to be something bad. And yet, the go-to move for the Left is to take that label and apply it to other things, things that happen to be awesome that they want us to be ashamed of. To be able to read a clock, to be ambitious, to strive for success, and to believe effort should be rewarded (and sloth punished) are great things. They are also things the Left hates, so it tries to poison them by associating with things we think are bad.

Except it won't work. Normal people are not as dumb as leftists either are or think we are.

Look at the word "racism." It's a punchline now, a living, breathing demonstration of the "cry wolf" principle. That's because "racism" has shifted from what everyone agrees is a bad thing – discriminating invidiously against people based on their race alone – and applying it to, well, everything and everyone. "Racism" is now holding people to a single standard, embracing the concept of merit, or demanding that people not break the law. It's an all-purpose excuse, a get-out-of-accountability-free card that takes the power of a negative label and uses it to beat innocent folks into submission.

Except that the race card has been cancelled. No one cares anymore. They have seen the term overused and abused, and they just shrug. "Trump is a racist!" the Left howls. "Meh," shrug normal Americans, people who want nothing to do with real racism and understand that the label now has nothing to do with real racism, either.

There are a lot of these expanded labels out there. How about "fascist," or the more specific "Nazi"? "Trump is a Nazi fascist!" they scream. There actually is an ideology called 'fascism," and it has a specific definition. So does the word "Nazi." Of course, their definitions have a lot more to do with socialism than anything right-coded, but the Left is not particularly picky about its slanders. Fascists and Nazis tend to completely control the government, stamping out all opposition and murdering their opponents. Trump has certainly not done that, and sending Karoline Leavitt out to tell the regime media that it is full of Schiff is not the same as tossing people in Dachau.

Speaking of the Holocaust, they take "Holocaust denial" – the evil and obnoxious minimization or rejection of the indisputable truth of the German Nazi extermination program of Jews and others under Hitler – and apply "denial" to opposition to other ridiculous leftist obsessions. A refusal to genuflect at the altar of the angry weather goddess is "climate denial." And a refusal to oppose Israel's righteous retribution for October 7 is "genocide denial." Note also how they have label creeped "genocide," applying it to everything from the conquest of North America to refusing to pretend weird men are actually women ("trans genocide"). 

And then there's "international law," as in "Anything America or Israel does to defend themselves is in violation of international law." Have you noticed how the duties and obligations under "international law" fall only upon the USA and Israel? Maduro can steal our property, ship drugs to us, cavort with the Chinese, Russians, and Iranians, and send millions of criminals to America, and "international law" requires that we just take it. The semihumans of Hamas can go on a rape/murder orgy, and Israel can't fight back because of "international law." It's an all-purpose brake on American power, if you buy into the term. So we don't. Delta Force is international law, not some Scandinavian hag mad because we're mean to her Third World buddies.

How about" toxic masculinity"? Hey, we agree that some men can be jerks. But that's not what the Left means. The Left is not trying to stop men from being jerks. It is trying to stop men from being men. And it is sometimes doing that literally. "Care," of the "gender affirming" kind, is just a polite way of saying "castration."

Oh, and immigration has a bunch of these examples of label creep. Illegal aliens – that's what they are under federal law, and in reality – become mere "migrants." That mixes them in with people we brought here legally. The ones who are arrested and detained are not arrested and detained – they are "kidnapped" and "disappeared," as happens in the countries the Left wants us to become more like.

Does this stuff work? A lot of leftists are stupid – or they would not be leftists – and it probably works on them. They buy into it. But most of the people doing this probably don't fully buy in. It's a cynical ploy to both exploit the dummies and show solidarity with their comrades. Lying about things that are obvious – "A woman can too have a penis!" – is less a statement of fact than a demonstration of solidarity. "I will sacrifice my integrity and dignity to the cause by publicly lying about something obvious to show my loyalty!" Performative prevarication has been a hallmark of communists from the craven show trial confessions under Stalin to the Red Guards in the Cultural Revolution to the struggle sessions at the University of College.

But for normal people, no. It doesn't work. Here's the consequence – and the Left hates consequences. People will stop caring about the labels. They will stop thinking "white supremacy" is automatically bad because, as the Left uses it, it includes things that are affirmatively good. A couple of decades ago, an accusation of "racism" would provoke a bout of introspection and soul-searching. Now, it provokes a middle finger.

Vulnerable people can also be misled. A non-insubstantial portion of the alleged flirtation on the far Right with "fascism" and "Nazis" is undoubtedly people who saw the Left promiscuously applying those labels to perfectly normal and reasonable stuff – like arresting criminals and an elected president pursuing the political platform he was elected on – and thought, "Well, maybe those things aren't so bad." They accept the Left's new definition but not the characterization of the label.

So, we've already defined "racism" down, and it's being joined by "white supremacy" and "kidnapping." It also applies to things that used to be thought of as positive – "care" and "international law" – which now seem bad.

The answer, as with so many of the habits and spasms of the Left, is not to ignore it. It is to mock it. When invited to address an accusation or assertion involving label creep, refuse to play along and add that they are clowns. They always want to control the language, but if you understand that, you understand what they are doing. And when you do, they lose.


Venezuela: It All Depends on the Meaning of the Word 'Run'


There have been two parts to the political world's reaction to the American operation that deposed and captured Nicolas Maduro. The first part was to marvel at what Brit Hume called the "extraordinary level of skill, technology and daring" on the part of American forces and leadership. Hume noted that the U.S. performance, when considered alongside the flawless attack on Iran's nuclear program, sent to the world "precisely the opposite signal from that sent by the botched withdrawal from Afghanistan."

The second reaction emerged after President Donald Trump's press conference announcing the action. "We're going to run [Venezuela] until such time as we can do a safe, proper and judicious transition," Trump said. "So we don't want to be involved with having somebody else get in and we have the same situation that we had for the last long period of years. So we are going to run the country until such time as we can do a safe, proper and judicious transition."

With that, much of the attention to the Venezuela matter turned away from the military and intelligence aspects of the operation to a simple and absolutely vital question: What did Trump mean by "run"?

The president explained to some degree but still left a lot of questions. A reporter asked, "What is the mechanism by which you're going to run the country? Are you going to designate U.S. officials to coordinate?" "Yes," answered Trump. "It's all being done right now. We're designating people. We're talking to people. ... We're going to let you know who those people are." When asked who would take part, Trump said, "It's largely going to be, for a period of time, the people that are standing behind me." Behind Trump at that moment were Secretary of State Marco Rubio, War Secretary Pete Hegseth, CIA Director John Ratcliffe and Joint Chiefs of Staff Chairman Gen. Dan "Razin" Caine.

Trump was also asked if "running the country means that U.S. troops will be on the ground." He appeared a little impatient with the question. After all, the operation was proof that American forces were already on the ground in Venezuela. "You know, they always say 'boots on the ground,'" Trump said. "So we're not afraid of boots on the ground if we have to have. We had boots on the ground last night at a very high level, actually. We're not afraid of it. We don't mind saying it, but we're going to make sure that that country is run properly. We're not doing this in vain."

The next morning, Rubio hit the morning shows to flesh out the administration's position. He explained that the United States will not be "running" Venezuela in the sense of appointing its officials, rewriting its laws and manning its offices. Instead, the U.S. aims to steer Venezuelan officials away from corruption in the nation's oil business, away from narcotics trafficking, away from mass migration, and toward better relations with the United States.

"Right now we have to take the first steps, and the first steps are securing what's in the national interest of the United States and also beneficial to the people of Venezuela," Rubio told NBC's "Meet the Press." "And those are the things that we're focused on right now: No more drug trafficking, no more Iran/Hezbollah presence there, and no more using the oil industry to enrich all of our adversaries around the world and not benefiting the people of Venezuela or, frankly, benefiting the United States and the region."

Rubio stressed that the key to the plan is the oil that supports the country's entire economy. "We don't need Venezuela's oil," he said on NBC. "We have plenty of oil in the United States. What we're not going to allow is for the oil industry in Venezuela to be controlled by adversaries of the United States. Why does China need their oil? Why does Russia need their oil? Why does Iran need their oil? They're not even in this continent. This is the Western Hemisphere. This is where we live, and we're not going to allow the Western Hemisphere to be a base of operation for adversaries, competitors and rivals of the United States. It's as simple as that."

The United States has tremendous "leverage" over Venezuela, Rubio said, because the U.S. can block the country's oil transactions. "We have a quarantine on their oil," he told ABC's This Week. "That means their economy will not be able to move forward until the conditions that are in the national interest of the United States and the interests of the Venezuelan people are met."

Will the plan work? The early statements about it, both from Trump and Rubio, are at such a level of generalization that it is hard to visualize what the proposal will really involve. But the key to things, at least from the perspective of U.S. politics, is how much, and for how long, Venezuela will require intense U.S. effort and attention.

The important thing is for Trump to stabilize the situation in Venezuela quickly. If the U.S. intervention leads to chaos and disorder, requiring increasing amounts of American involvement, Trump will face accusations that he has gotten the U.S. into a morass in South America. The sooner Trump can accomplish a "safe, proper and judicious transition," the better. If Trump can pull that off, the critics will in retrospect seem alarmist, Trump's opponents will be wrong again, and Trump will have a success, even as he focuses on domestic issues in midterm campaigning. If he can't pull it off, he'll have big trouble.


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The Venezuela Raid Was A Win For America First Anti-Interventionism


American military power should be used to secure and safeguard American interests. That’s what happened in Caracas.



In the wake of the Trump administration’s successful operation in Venezuela over the weekend, we’ve heard the usual hypocritical objections from the left: that the action was “illegal” (it wasn’t), that Trump is merely after Venezuela’s oil (he isn’t), that the arrest of Nicolas Maduro represents “Iraq 2.0” (it doesn’t).

These objections are of course as disingenuous as they are inaccurate. And anyway, whatever military operation Trump might undertake against America’s foes overseas will always be reflexively denounced by Democrats in the most hysterical terms — even when it’s wildly successful, as this one was.

But it’s the objections and outrage coming from the right that are more important — and more concerning. Rep. Marjory Taylor Greene, lately of MAGA, took to X to post a lengthy dissent, decrying the Venezuela operation as “regime change” and a betrayal of Trump’s base. The people who thought they were voting for Trump to end “our own government’s never ending military aggression and support of foreign wars” were wrong, says Greene.

Her grievances are representative of a not-insignificant swath of the right that is committed to a certain way of doing things, and specifically to a strict adherence to the rules-based international order. Writes Greene: “why is it ok for America to militarily invade, bomb, and arrest a foreign leader but Russia is evil for invading Ukraine and China is bad for aggression against Taiwan? Is it only ok if we do it?”

This is an important question, and it gets to the heart of some pretty deep misunderstandings of American power and national interest on the MAGA right, which is understandably wary of any foreign military action after decades of disastrous neocon adventurism abroad.

The short answer to Greene’s question is yes, it is okay if we do it, because we are doing it for ourselves, in furtherance of our national interests and national security, which is what the rules-based international order was created to safeguard. We had a communist dictator of an oil-rich country on our doorstep, who had not only colluded with narco-terrorist gangs to flood our shores with deadly drugs and illegal migrants, but had invited China, Russia, Cuba, and Iran to take up important roles in his military and industrial base. The radar and missile defenses our aviators had to take out over Caracas were built and operated by Russia. The troops guarding Maduro himself were Cuban. This was a strike above all against the revisionist powers that sought to gain a foothold (that had gained a foothold) in our backyard.

The facile response to this state of affairs is that of Greene: to throw up our hands and declare that if we depose a neighboring head of state it gives a green light to every other major power to do the same. Of course, it does not. It doesn’t even make such an outcome more likely. If anything, Beijing is far less likely to act against Taiwan today after this weekend’s action.

But more to the point, those powers have never adhered to the rules-based international order, which they see above all as an impediment to their rise. They cannot invoke it in their own defense, and we should not invoke it on their behalf.

A more mature response to Trump’s raid on Caracas is to recognize the differences between things and to make distinctions. There is a difference (to state the obvious) between the Maduro regime and the government in Taipei. There is a difference between our arrest of Maduro and Moscow’s invasion of Ukraine. To spell out all those differences would be pedantic; everyone knows what they are.

There is a difference, too, between what a foreign country does to pursue its interests and what we do to pursue and safeguard our own. As an American, I’m partial to my own country. I would like our leaders to defend our borders and protects our interests with all the power at their disposal. I expect them to do so. If China invaded Taiwan, that would be contrary to our national interests and we would rightly oppose it. If a neighboring country devolved into a narco-state (as Mexico has), I would want us to take action against that country, international rules be damned.

That’s not to say principles don’t matter, but that they depend on context in the world as it really is. Foreign affairs do not work like math problems. You cannot plug in the numbers — or the principles of international law — to every place on the map and get the same result. States and regimes are different, and unequal. Many are states in name only, and exist at the pleasure and forbearance of real powers, who act on them and sometimes through them to further their interests. Such was the case with China and Russia in Venezuela, until this weekend.

It has been this way for most of human history. Hence the Monroe Doctrine and the Roosevelt Corollary, which recognized that the countries of Central and South America were weak and susceptible to manipulation and meddling by European powers, and probably always would be. It was not and is not in our interests to allow that, and for many long years we didn’t. Indeed, up until the upheavals of the First World War, most countries recognized that there were great powers, lesser powers, and various places that were subject to some level of administration by these powers. American foreign policy, especially in Central and South America, was based on that reality. After the Second World War, all of this changed. We in the West accepted the disembodied Wilsonian framework of “territorial integrity” and “popular sovereignty” and “international law.” All of it was, to a large extent, a polite fiction. It still is.

No one, for example, thinks it would be permissible for the U.S. to launch a military expedition into Berlin and arrest German Chancellor Friedrich Merz, for the simple reason that Germany is a real state with real power. So are France and Russia and Poland. But it is absolutely permissible to go into Caracas and grab Maduro, because Venezuela is not a real state and has no real power. There is a different set of rules for regimes like Maduro’s, who place themselves outside of the rules-based order.

Indeed, it was Maduro’s decision to ally with America’s adversaries and allow them to establish military and industrial operations in his country. We did not force him to do that. Having done it, he has now discovered the consequences of doing so while Trump is in office, along with the rest of the world. Good.

It’s often said that Trump’s foreign policy is Jacksonian, and so it is: limited yet sharp military action to advance clear U.S. interests. It’s the opposite of neocon nation-building or regime change war-mongering. Those on the MAGA right tut-tutting the Venezuela action, like Greene, should know better than to make that false comparison. Trump’s Venezuela policy these last three or four months — the stationing of a flotilla of U.S. warships off the coast, the systematic targeting of drug boats, the seizure of the oil tanker — was designed to hew as closely as possible to the anti-interventionist instincts and preferences of his MAGA base. We are not at war with Venezuela. We have no occupation force there. And yet Maduro is gone.

It would be helpful at this juncture not to decry the administration’s Caracas operation as a betrayal of MAGA, but to understand his approach to foreign policy as a return to the historical norm — and a clear rejection of how U.S. foreign policy has been conducted for the last quarter century. If that means limited, unilateral, surprise actions from time to time, like the bombing of Iran’s nuclear program or the arrest and exfiltration of Maduro, actions that our military pulled off without significant casualties or an occupation, then Americans on the right should be grateful. In the case of Venezuela and Maduro, they should take the win.



What Separates Tim Walz From Other Democrats Is He Got Caught



That Tim Walz is abandoning his reelection campaign for Minnesota governor amid a maddening multibillion-dollar welfare fraud scandal should serve as a big reminder: Democrats are robbing you every day and hardly even trying to hide it.

Recall Walz as the stereotypical self-abasing Democrat white male, presumably heterosexual, who was inexplicably chosen to be Kamala Harris’ running mate in the 2024 election. His stint in that role was the equivalent of a 300-pound belly flop into a pool full of sand, with memorable moments like when he said he rode his bicycle as a child and was “proud of that service” or otherwise was proven to have lied when he referred to “the weapons of war that I carried in war.” (He never saw combat.)

Now, however, Walz is most known as the Minnesota governor who oversaw and enabled a years-long scam in which Somalis occupying large swaths of his state were pocketing hundreds of millions of taxpayer dollars with fake child care and health care operations that provided no services to anyone at all. The scheme was uncovered mostly through federal prosecutions, which were then covered by our dying national news media. But most devastating for Walz and the state’s whole government was a 45-minute video produced by a 23-year-old YouTuber who demonstrated just how brazen the fraud was by simply knocking on “child care center” doors — only to be greeted by savage Somalis who spoke next to no English and had no kids inside.

The mass fraud was made possible by obscene welfare programs that Democrats like Walz — especially Walz — champion in order to lock in votes from impoverished foreigners and otherwise ne’er-do-wells who have no interest in working. “We have to make it easier for folks to be able to get into that business and then to make sure that folks are able to pay for that,” Walz said at the vice presidential debate last year. “We were able to do it in Minnesota.”

When he announced his withdrawal from reelection this week, he did so with typical Democrat energy, which is to say he claimed to be the victim honorably stepping aside, selflessly putting the well-being of others first. “Every minute I spend defending my own political interests would be a minute I can’t spend defending the people of Minnesota against the criminals who prey on our generosity and the cynics who prey on our differences,” he said.

They play in your face and then call you the problem for noticing. Walz’s Minnesota welfare scheme was every bit a fraud as his and Kamala’s 2024 campaign was. That pathetic 100-day operation likewise saw more than a billion dollars shoved into the pockets of consultants and production companies based on the media-perpetuated lie that Kamala Harris was a legitimate contender for the presidency and that Walz, a fraudster, was capable of serving in the White House, too.

Remember how Democrats recoiled in absolute horror when Elon Musk’s DOGE effort attempted to clip a few million from the federal budget, including the unending flood of money that we send overseas called “foreign aid”? That’s all your money, and they claw for each and every dollar in order to send it all to people just like those Somali scammers.

Democrats lie and steal. Then they resent you for finding out.


HHS Freezes $10 Billion in Funding to Five Blue States, Following Ongoing Fraud Investigations


Last Friday Dept of Homeland Security (DHS) began surging roughly 2,000 federal agents and officers from Immigration and Customs Enforcement’s deportation branch and Homeland Security Investigations, the agency’s investigative arm tasked with fighting transnational crimes into Minnesota.

The investigative objective appears to be utilizing the massive and systemic fraud throughout Minnesota as an entry gate to expand the investigation into other states.  The key takeaway is that Minnesota simply reflects the tip of the iceberg and multiple Democrat run states likely have the same or worse fraud ongoing.

The Dept of Health and Human Services (HHS) now follow up on the DHS surge with an announcement that $10 billion in Temporary Assistance to Needy Families (TANF) payments are being halted as the investigations expand.  Four additional states are being reviewed: California, Colorado, Illinois and New York, join Minnesota in seeing their federal funds stopped pending review and audit.

This is a smart approach because releasing the funds will be contingent upon the states accepting the audits.  We all know that genuine audits of those state records will likely reveal massive fraud within the subsidy system that has been abused by Democrats.  Minnesota has provided the entry point for a much larger corruption and fraud review.

WASHINGTON — The Trump administration is cutting off more than $10 billion in social services and child care funding meant for a handful of Democrat-led states over concerns that the benefits were fraudulently funneled to non-citizens, officials told The Post Monday.

The Department of Health and Human Services will freeze taxpayer funding from the Child Care Development Fund (CCDF), the Temporary Assistance for Needy Families (TANF) program, and the Social Services Block Grant program.

At least $7.35 billion in TANF money will be prevented from going to California, Colorado, Illinois, Minnesota, and New York. The CCDF funding block of nearly $2.4 billion affects all those states.

Another $869 million from the Social Services Block Grant coffers is being kept from all five states as well.

The funding pauses were to be announced via letters to each state sent Monday, citing concerns that benefits were fraudulently going to non-US citizens.

The HHS Office of Inspector General found more than six years ago that New York City improperly billed the federal government for more than $24.7 million in child care subsidies. (read more)


The Stuff of Bad Dreams: What If Amy Klobuchar Won MN Governor's Race, Appointed Tim Walz to Senate?


RedState 

It is indeed a nightmare scenario: what if disgraced Minnesota Gov. Tim Walz, who just announced he won’t run for reelection amid a massive fraud scandal in the Gopher State, were succeeded by Sen. Amy Klobuchar, the failed 2020 Democrat presidential candidate? Worse still, what is she won the gubernatorial race and appointed Walz to the Senate, which she would be able to do?

It might sound too crazy, even for the corrupt Democrats, but according to the New York Times — which despite its many faults, does have an inside line to inner Dem workings — it could actually happen.

She’s actively considering running, they report:

Gov. Tim Walz of Minnesota said on Monday that he was abandoning his bid for re-election to a third term. And Senator Amy Klobuchar, a fellow Democrat, is considering seeking the office, two people briefed on conversations between the politicians said.

Mr. Walz and Ms. Klobuchar met on Sunday in Minnesota, where he informed her of his plans and she confirmed her interest in running to succeed him. 

Minnesota-based columnist Dustin Grage over at our sister site Townhall — who bills himself as “The Minnesota guy with the receipts”  — thinks it’s a possibility:

Klobuchar, who was a sitting senator for Minnesota while the massive Somali fraud exploded and is known for her abusive treatment of staff, would be bad enough as governor, but Walz as a senator would be the stuff of horror movies.

Although it’s entirely speculative at this point, it’s not out of the question:

Under Minnesota law, the governor appoints someone to fill a vacant Senate seat until a special election can be held. Depending on the timing of events, should Ms. Klobuchar become the governor, she could appoint her own replacement who would serve until a special election is held to complete the remainder of her term, which ends in 2030.

Shortly after Mr. Walz announced he was suspending his campaign, Ms. Klobuchar praised him in a statement that did not shed light on her own plans.

Making the decision to run easier for Klobuchar, who is not up for reelection in 2030, is the fact that she could remain in the Senate if she loses the gubernatorial bid.

The senator has also been involved with her share of controversies and alleged grift, but has mostly been able to keep that out of the national limelight. One thing she can’t avoid, however, is her record, and according to author Peter Schweizer in his book Profiles in Corruption, she’s “voted with Sen. Bernie Sanders (I-VT) 88 percent of the time as of 2020 — and she happens to be one of the top recipients of corporate campaign donations in all of the U.S. Senate.”

Minnesota — the corrupt, far-left gift that just keeps on giving. 


Silence, Resident! The Leftist Knows What's Best for Your Country!


One of the funniest things that happened after NicolΓ‘s Maduro was captured was the left trying to square their outrage and supreme moral position against, not Republicans, not Conservatives, but Venezuelans. 

Sure as death and taxes, leftists took to the streets to protest President Donald Trump nabbing Maduro and bringing him here to the states to stand trial. With professionally printed signs and pre-loaded statements that didn't reek of astroturfing at all, the indignant leftists stood proudly with the Venezuelan people who had their beloved leader kidnapped in the middle of the night by the real dictator of the world, Donald J. Orangeman.

But when confronted with footage of Venezuelans being happy and celebrating the removal of Maduro, you could practically hear the gears in their heads grinding as they attempted to maintain their worldview. 

This is, possibly, the funniest one I've seen. Man-on-the-street interviewer Nate Friedman showed a young man the Venezuelans celebrating Maduro's disappearance and, upon being confronted with reality, could only fall back on his pre-loaded phrases. 


But even funnier is the fact that this has the leftist intelligentsia on their soapboxes as well. In their minds, they seem to believe that they have a smoking gun and that everything they've been saying about Trump's dictatorial nature was true. 

Of course, the people of Venezuela don't see it like that at all. As it stands, they think what Trump did was fantastic. Hilariously, they aren't the only ones. 

This video that I'm about to show you is one that, if you were to let a leftist listen to it, might make them bleed out of their nose in rage. A BBC journalist named Lewis Goodall was on one after the seizure of Maduro by the Trump administration. He was all but spiking footballs over the fact that they had proof of Trump's evil nature when a man from Africa called in named "Sam." 

Sam told Goodall that he saw what Trump did for Venezuela, and he wants him to do the same for Africa by removing its corrupt leaders. Goodall attempted to combat this sentiment by blaming European colonialism for Africa's plight in the first place, to which Sam stated that "it's the opposite" and asked that if Africa had never been colonized, "where would it be?" He said it would likely not have advanced as much as it did.  

Goodall then tried to bring up Japan as an example of a country that'd never been colonized by Western powers and succeeded; however, it should be pointed out that Japan was effectively run by the United States between 1945 and 1952. Sam's point was simpler. "They're not Africa." 

You could tell Lewis had his back against the wall from the audio. A black man from Africa was telling him what would be better for Africa, and Lewis was trying very hard to tell him what was actually better for him and his continent without actually saying so. How does a "colonizer" tell an African what's better for Africa? In leftist circles, that's grounds for cancelation. 

Sam noted that since the U.S. left Liberia and the U.K. left Africa, it's been pure chaos. Goodall, by the end, could do nothing but call it "a take," and sounded very defeated when he did. 


This seems to be a common thread among many Africans, especially older ones, who can point back to the improvements brought to their countries and towns by the "colonizers," then they watched as these very improvements fell into disrepair and their country's leadership fell into corruption. 


But the left can't stand the idea that Western civilization might actually be a good thing. They can't stomach the idea that capitalism and Judeo-Christian ethics actually create a much better world. However, they also can't tell a person of color that they're wrong, especially if the person debating them is white. The only thing they can do is do exactly what Goodall and the young leftist in the first video did; fall back on talking points that no longer work and hope people accompany them in the delusion. 

But it is a delusion that they have, and I'm not sure they can fully grasp the idea that maybe, just maybe, they've deluded themselves into seeing the world through a lens of fantasy where Westernism cannot be good in any capacity and that it's so bad that even the worst dictator and all of his cruelty is better than Western stability. 

And that's pretty crazy. 



♦️𝐖³π πƒπšπ’π₯𝐲 𝐍𝐞𝐰𝐬 𝐎𝐩𝐞𝐧 π“π‘π«πžπšπ


 


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