A common talking point trotted out to defend congressional Republicans’ failure to advance conservative priorities is that the party has slim majorities, and therefore, trying to pass anything outside of the usual “uniparty” slop is next to impossible. But if that’s true, why does the same dynamic exist in states where Republicans have much larger legislative majorities and control the governor’s mansion?
On Wednesday, the GOP-controlled Texas House — which is run by liberal Republican Speaker Dustin Burrows — passed a bill that effectively seeks to criminalize the posting and distribution of certain altered media in political advertising. As noted by Texas Politics’ Daniel Molina, free speech advocates have argued the bill “threatens to criminalize satire, parody, and political expression online.”
Authored by liberal Republican Rep. Dade Phelan, HB 366 stipulates that an officeholder or political candidate “may not, with the intent to influence an election, knowingly cause to be published, distributed, or broadcast political advertising that includes an image, audio recording, or video recording of an officeholder’s or candidate’s appearance, speech, or conduct that did not occur in reality, including an image, audio recording, or video recording that has been altered using generative artificial intelligence technology.”
The bill lists a few exceptions to this rule, including media that have had their light and/or saturation adjusted and media with government-approved disclaimers noting it has been altered.
“Violators could face up to a year in jail under the proposed law,” Molina wrote.
Meanwhile, many conservative-backed bills are reportedly languishing in the House and at risk of not making it to Gov. Greg Abbott’s desk before the 2025 session ends. This includes legislation related to election integrity, medical freedom, immigration, and more.
While these antics may seem strange for a state dominated by Republicans, the failure to advance conservative priorities isn’t exclusive to Texas. In fact, in many so-called “red states” across America, Republican lawmakers are quietly thwarting the will of their constituents.
A Nationwide Problem
Look at Florida, which is often viewed as the bastion of “America First” success. Despite his best efforts, Gov. Ron DeSantis has faced resistance this year from the state’s GOP establishment, whose leaders have sought to stymie his 2025 legislative agenda.
The early warning signs popped up in January after DeSantis called for a special session of the legislature to advance critical measures assisting the Trump administration’s deportation operations. Rather than heed DeSantis’ request and fulfill the wishes of conservative voters, members of the state’s GOP legislative leadership effectively scoffed at the idea, calling it “premature” and putting forward their own immigration bill (deceptively named the “TRUMP Act”) containing provisions much weaker than those the governor requested.
While a maximum pressure campaign ultimately prompted the legislature to give the governor most of what he was asking for, the fight was only the beginning. Since the start of the state’s regularly scheduled 2025 session, Florida GOP legislators have hampered numerous conservative-backed policies sought by DeSantis and Republican voters, such as the expansion of E-Verify and the revocation of gun control policies enacted under former GOP Gov. Rick Scott.
And that’s only Texas and Florida. The situation is just as bad in other GOP-run states.
In Oklahoma, Attorney General Gentner Drummond — who’s running for governor next year — is actively fighting in court to prevent the establishment of the nation’s first religious public charter school. Last week, the Oklahoma Republican’s counsel argued on his behalf before the U.S. Supreme Court, pushing Drummond’s outlandish claim that the board’s sponsorship of St. Isidore of Seville Catholic Virtual School violates the Oklahoma Constitution and the U.S. Constitution’s establishment clause.
In North Dakota, GOP Gov. Kelly Armstrong vetoed two bills last month containing policy priorities widely supported by Republican voters. While one sought to expand school choice, the other stipulated that a “public library or a school district may not maintain in an area easily accessible to minors explicit sexual material.”
As The Blaze’s Daniel Horowitz noted, it’s unlikely there are enough votes in the GOP-dominated legislature to override Armstrong’s vetoes.
In Montana, nine Republican senators were censured by the state GOP last month for actions the latter claims amounted to “undermining the Republican majority leadership, and giving control of the Senate floor to Democrats,” and “obstructing key Republican priorities.” The state party said in a statement that the GOP senators in question “are no longer considered by the MTGOP as Republicans for the damage they have exacted on the Montana Senate by undermining the Republican Senate leadership, the Republican Party, and the will of the Montana Republican voters.”
In Tennessee, the GOP-controlled legislature ended its session a few weeks ago without passing a pair of bills that sought to effectively bar illegal immigrant children from enrolling in state schools. Had one or both of the measures passed and been signed into law, it likely would have teed up a challenge to the U.S. Supreme Court’s 1982 Plyler v. Doe decision, which stipulated that states cannot deny a free public education to children of illegal aliens.
In Wyoming, Republican Gov. Mark Gordon declined to sign a bill earlier this year requiring residents to provide proof of U.S. citizenship to vote in elections. While Gordon didn’t veto the measure and allowed it to become law without his signature, he parroted unsubstantiated concerns about voter disenfranchisement when explaining his decision to forgo signing the legislation.
A Fix Is Needed
Keep in mind that these examples of Republican betrayal are only from the first few months of 2025. As The Federalist previously reported, this type of behavior is rampant in many so-called “red states” every year and largely goes unnoticed.
What’s become evident at both the federal and state levels is that most Republicans — particularly those representing “dark red” areas — aren’t actually conservative. Rather, they’re opportunists who learned to play the game of politics.
In today’s political environment, any self-professed Republican can fashion himself as an “America First” candidate. By tying themselves to President Trump, regurgitating Fox News talking points, and rallying behind a widely supported, noncontroversial issue (like tax cuts or school choice), these bad actors are able to feign the appearance of being conservative without having to prove it.
To rectify this alarming trend, it is incumbent upon GOP voters to look below the surface level of these candidates and thoroughly vet them in any given primary. That means digging into their voting records, finding out where they stand on party leadership disputes, and examining any other aspect of their history relevant to their candidacy.
This guidance also applies to Trump and his team.
All too often, the president has supported establishment-backed Republicans who say nice things about him but actively seek to thwart his and his voters’ agenda. He recently endorsed neocon Sen. Lindsey Graham, R-S.C., for reelection, and he is reportedly preparing to endorse Burrows and Texas House Republicans who back a school choice proposal he favors.
Turning the GOP into a real “America First” party isn’t something that will be solved in one election cycle. It’s a years-long effort that will require extensive grassroots activism and pressure on conservative leaders like Trump to ensure that the candidates seeking to fill the party’s ranks actually care about and will fight for the voters’ wishes.
