Tuesday, April 15, 2025

Federal agency refers New York AG Letitia James to DOJ for prosecution for alleged mortgage fraud

 


Referral comes from U.S. Federal Housing Finance Agency, complete with supporting evidence.

President Trump Can Snatch a Deep-Water Port in South America that China Covets

While the focus of the Trump administration has been on seizing control of the Panama Canal from China, another port on the Pacific Ocean side of South America, CopiaPort-E in Chile, billed as the “Rotterdam of the Pacific,” demands President Trump’s attention. The World Bank, UNESCO, and the Chinese Communist Party had long planned for CopiaPort-E’s 8-kilometer-long natural breakwater peninsula to be the landing pad for China’s “Belt and Road Initiative” (BRI) in South America. If the Trump administration acts fast, President Trump can block the final step in China’s BRI expansion plans in South America before China finalizes the deal.

A group of three holding companies and one operating company (three Chilean and one Panama organized) own approximately 850 square miles (220,000) hectares of real estate on which the port will be developed, including all rights to intellectual property, programs, contracts, use and regulatory licenses, and trade secrets. St. Matthew Assurance Ltd., a part of the Cotswold Group of Companies, has established a Memorandum of Understanding (MOU) with Chinese Representatives to purchase equity and the rights to develop the CopiaPort-E Super Port project. St. Matthew Assurance Company, the ultimate owner, is an insurance company owned, organized, and operating under the laws of the Chiricahua Apache (CAMB) Nation and is benefiting from the CAMB Nation’s sovereign Indigenous status and protections provided by the U.S. domestic and international law, including the Declaration on Rights of Indigenous Peoples.

Since the trade war with the PRC began over the Panama Canal, an intensive effort has been underway for China to own, control, and establish trade routes across the Pacific to the West coast of South America to allow for direct access to their food, gas, and mineral supplies. The Cotswold Group of Companies, based in the Caribbean, also has ongoing talks with various influential people and decision-makers in the Trump Administration. Todd Callender, Esq. is the Chief Executive Officer of the Cotswold Group and lead author of my newest book, published on April 4, Disease X and Military Martial Law: Defeating the Globalist Plan to Depopulate the World and Enslave the Remnant.

Generative AI notes that the CopiaPort-E project is part of the larger Hacienda Castilla property, the largest private property in Chile, located in the Atacama Region, in northern Chile, near CopiapΓ³. The Hacienda Castilla website, in turn, notes that CopiaPort-E envisions becoming the leading hub port of Pacific South America, offering world-class infrastructure and services that Unlock the full potential of the region’s agricultural and industrial production.”

CopiaPort-E is a 30-meter natural deep-water port with no dredging necessary to accommodate dockside Chinamax-sized vessels. These vessels can accommodate 800 percent more cargo than current shipping on the East Coast of South America. Designed to operate as a bi-oceanic port, Chinamax vessels will save an estimated 15 days of sailing time by departing CopiaPort-E directly for Asia, compared to transversing the Atlantic route, departing from the Rosario-Buenos Aires ports on the Atlantic Ocean side of South America, passing through the Panama Canal to reach Asia.

Access to CopiaPort-E also aims to draw Argentina’s growing agribusiness, which is transported by truck, through two low-gradient border passes between Chile and Argentina. CopiaPort-E has upside potential to be the perfect geographical position to serve as a liquid natural gas (LNG) terminal and provide supply and support missions to Antarctica. Todd Callender and the St. Matthew Assurance Team have produced two short videos: one on Hacienda Castilla and the other on the CopiaPort-E Project.

On his way to the G20 summit in Rio de Janeiro in November 2024, Xi Jinping met with Peruvian President Dina Boluarte to officially open Chancay, a new $3.6 billion port in Peru in which China’s state-owned shipping giant China Ocean Shipping Group (Cosco) purchased a 60 percent stake for $1.6 billion, giving Cosco the company exclusive use of the port for 60 years. With the port located only 50 miles north of Lima, China plans to use it to ship the Peruvian and Chilean lithium and copper needed to build electric vehicles and data centers, furthering China’s ambitions to monopolize world rare earth minerals and metal supplies. China has acquired equity interests in 129 port projects around the globe, with a concentration in the “Global South” and at least one port in every continent except Antarctica.

Chile is currently the world’s largest producer and exporter of copper and boasts an enormous, newly discovered Lithium deposit in the same area as the port. On April 7, 2025, Reuters reported that as Chile revs up lithium plans, Indigenous people demand more control to ensure environmental concerns, including water supply safeguards, are respected. The involvement of the indigenous tribes in lithium production is another reason Chile can promote CopiaPort-E as an “ECO-port” designed to ensure the Atacama Region’s development respects international treaties on indigenous rights.

As Trump’s historic first 100 days in office are about to conclude, the administration must not let the opportunity to acquire the rights to CopiaPort-E fall through the cracks. With Secretary of Defense Hegseth in Panama and Secretary of State Rubio concerned about concluding negotiations with Russia over Ukraine, the chance for the U.S. to wrest a strategically important port opportunity from China in the Western Hemisphere must not be overlooked.



X22, On the Fringe, and more- April 15

 



Higher Ed Digs In, Refuses Reform

 


Kali Jerrard for

CounterCurrent: Week of 04/14/2025

Higher education won’t reform without a fight. As we discussed in last week’s edition of CounterCurrent, “diversity, equity, and inclusion” (DEI) isn’t dead, and schools are either quietly or defiantly standing against the Trump administration’s education orders to curb DEI ideology and anti-Semitism on campuses.

The Trump administration has not explicitly endorsed a plan for education reform. But with the administration’s latest responses to Harvard and Columbia, a plan of sorts appears to be taking shape.

Yesterday, X buzzed with news that Harvard had rejected the Trump administration’s updated list of demands. These demands, sent to Harvard University on Friday, April 11, expanded on an earlier letter to the institution sent on April 3. The prompt rejection of the latest letter was a surprise, as up to this point it appeared that the University was willing to accept the administration’s admonishment. This outright rejection places billions of dollars of federal funding on the line.

The latest letter sent by the Trump administration contains several notable demands. A few are listed below:

  • abolish all criteria, preferences, and practices, whether mandatory or optional, throughout its admissions and hiring practices, that function as ideological litmus tests.
  • every department or field found to lack viewpoint diversity must be reformed by hiring a critical mass of new faculty within that department or field who will provide viewpoint diversity.
  • commission an external party, which shall satisfy the federal government as to its competence and good faith, to audit those programs and departments that most fuel antisemitic harassment or reflect ideological capture.

If you haven’t been keeping up, Harvard was set to undergo a review by the Trump administration’s anti-Semitism task force to investigate allegations of anti-Semitic behavior on campus. This comes in conjunction with Trump’s Executive Order (EO) “Additional Measures to Combat Anti-Semitism,” which directs all heads of executive departments and agencies to submit a report to the President within 60 days of the EO date, through the Assistant to the President for Domestic Policy, on measures taken beyond a prior EO—EO 13899—to combat or curb anti-Semitism. Also, the reports must contain “an inventory and analysis of all pending administrative complaints, as of the date of the report, against or involving institutions of higher education alleging civil-rights violations related to or arising from post-October 7, 2023, campus anti-Semitism.” Nearly $9 billion of federal grants and contracts to Harvard were in review by the investigation.

As of yesterday, Harvard President Alan Garber stated that the university “will not surrender its independence or relinquish its constitutional rights,” indicating non-acquiescence with Trump administration demands. Harvard faculty—through the Harvard chapter of the American Association of University Professors—have also joined the fight by filing a lawsuit against the administration on Friday, “alleging that the review of Harvard’s funds was an illegal exploitation of the Civil Rights Act and an effort to impose political views upon the institution.”

While most college presidents are remaining silent in the face of Trump’s education reform efforts, there are some exceptions to the rule other than Alan Garber. Princeton President Christopher L. Eisgruber, Wesleyan University President Michael Roth, and Trinity Washington University President Patricia McGuire, have teed up to fight the Trump administration.

In contrast, Harvard’s formerly defiant Ivy bedfellow, Columbia University, has calmed down its efforts to fight the Trump administration’s quest for higher education accountability.

Last month, the Trump administration froze $400 million in federal research funding to Columbia, prompting the university to yield to a list of demands. In the aftermath, Columbia interim President Katrina Armstrong stepped down and the National Institutes of Health froze another $250 million in funding, in addition to the $400 million still in limbo. The federal government is also considering federal oversight of Columbia University through a consent decree—a so far, unprecedented action for a college or university, but common in other contexts such as police forces and prisons.

Other universities are in the sights of the Trump administration for allegations of anti-Semitism on campus and pervasive DEI ideology and programs. Inside Higher Ed explains,

Universities that have had their federal funding targeted include Cornell University (more than $1 billion), Northwestern University ($790 million), Brown University ($510 million), Princeton University ($210 million) and the University of Pennsylvania ($175 million).

Peter Wood, president of the National Association of Scholars, writes on the recent developments at Harvard, Columbia, and other universities, stating that though the Trump administration may be receiving pushback from opposition and institutions themselves, that the executive branch is not unjustified in its efforts to “discharge the poison of the ideologically extreme establishment from our postsecondary institutions.” Such measures by the Trump administration are necessary because,

Our colleges and universities are the moral and practical equivalent of the Jim Crow South. They are privileged, in some cases immensely wealthy, and, because they act as a law unto themselves, are practically lawless. The battle at hand is whether we will have lawful higher education or rule by these well-entrenched cultural warlords. They amount to a state-within-a-state dedicated to perpetual discrimination and authoritarian illiberalism.

Hopefully in the coming days, the Trump administration will lay out a comprehensive and clear plan for reforming education in the long-term—perhaps Congress and the Supreme Court will join in as well. Until then, the Trump administration is likely to continue seeking to remake and reform reluctant colleges and universities.

While higher ed scoffs at Trump’s push to gut toxic campus ideologies, don’t expect change anytime soon. Even with funding cuts looming, colleges seem hell-bent on doubling down on DEI dogma and ignoring anti-Semitism. Pinching their pocketbooks might sting, but these institutions are too far gone to ditch their sacred cows.

Until next week.


CounterCurrent is the National Association of Scholars’ weekly newsletter, written by the NAS Staff. To subscribe, update your email preferences here.

Photo by Africa Studio on Adobe Stock

The Pentagon Must Go on the Offensive to Defeat Politicized Officers


That Space Force colonel in command in Greenland – well, formerly in command in Greenland – who ran her fool mouth to undermine her commander-in-chief demonstrates an all-too-common problem with today’s senior military officers. We keep seeing these passive-aggressive, and not so passively aggressive, officers acting out and throwing childish tantrums of resistance to the President that the people of the United States elected. It’s inconceivable to those of us from the military who won the Cold War; we stayed the hell out of politics. Somehow, they must have missed that civilian control block of instruction; non-partisanship is a vital principle of our officer corps. To be political on duty is a violation of our oaths. It’s a violation of our ethos as officers. And it’s got to be brutally crushed – even Barack Obama understood that when he properly canned General Stanley McChrystal for having a staff that thought it was okay to diss the President to reporters (incredibly, after this massive leadership failure, McChrystal has gone on to sell his leadership insights to eager civilian suckers, but that’s another story).

We simply cannot have a functioning military that tolerates individuals putting their own personal prerogatives ahead of the mission – and that’s exactly what this political posturing is. It brings to mind a story of my continuing dispute with my command sergeant major when I commanded a cavalry squadron. We rarely disagreed on anything; my CSM was that guy whose picture is scowling back at you, judging you, when you look up the definition of a noncommissioned officer. But every chow time in the field, we had a confrontation. One of us would note that the last of the soldiers had eaten, and then the argument would begin. 

“Sir, time for you to grab chow.”

“After you, Sergeant Major.”

“After you, Colonel.”

It was the same dispute, every meal. Both of us wanted to eat last. That’s because leaders eat last. That’s because leaders put themselves after their troops. It was a point of pride.

Now, I led this way not because I was some super-duper, awesome exceptional officer. Every senior leader I knew did this, or at least every senior leader who lasted – there’s always a tail-end of the Bell Curve. If I were seen as putting myself before my soldiers or my mission, my peers would have done me in, never mind my commanders. We all understood our role. I was trained by real leaders, so doing something different never occurred to me. It’s not about you. Putting your politics first is a betrayal. That’s what babbling about politics to undermine your bosses’ boss is. 

The fact that you are a senior leader, even when you are in a command position, does not make you the main character; save that for the personal psychodrama that is your life. Call it “servant leadership” or just plain leadership, but you never leverage the authority you’ve been entrusted with to pose, posture, or pontificate. That’s because your rank doesn’t belong to you. I get to use the honorific “Colonel” because I retired at that rank, but the silver eagle I wore never belonged to me. It was on loan. You Americans issued that rank to me so that I could do a job for the United States of America. It wasn’t mine. It wasn’t about me. It was never about me. And it’s incomprehensible to me and my generation of Soldiers (and Sailors, Marines, Airmen, Coast Guardsmen, and whatever the hell they’re calling Space Force people now) that many of today’s generation of senior leaders doesn’t seem to understand that basic concept.

Your politics don’t matter when you are a military leader. At all. Politics have no place in the military. None. I was becoming more and more prominent politically and in the media as a civilian while I was becoming a senior field grade officer as a reservist, but I was actively apolitical around the troops. I never talked about politics on duty. I never asked about it or told anyone about it. You know the command sergeant major I mentioned? I have no idea who he voted for. None. That’s because he was a consummate professional, and I tried to be the same. When we put on the uniform, we did our job whether the President was named Reagan, Bush, Clinton, Bush again, or Obama. 

But apparently, some officers these days think there is a Trump Exception to their duty as officers to be apolitical, just as there appears to be a Trump Exception to every other rule, regulation, norm, and standard in our society and government. They are wrong, and their utterly bass ackwards conception of their duties as leaders is poisonous to the organization. If you aren’t loyal to the commander-in-chief, who are you loyal to? Your own personal conception of right and wrong? Well, Soldier, you are in the wrong career field. There are a wide range of jobs you can do where you can freely share your thoughts about our political leadership and its policies, but being a military leader is not one of them.

What’s stunning is the sheer cheesiness of their tiresome acts of resistance. The commander of Fort Igloo decided to throw away her career by mass emailing a cloying letter that emphasized how she didn’t support the political leadership’s initiatives re: Greenland. What was she thinking? Another officer at NATO headquarters refused to post pictures of the new commander-in-chief and vice-president, as is a rule on military installations. That’s almost too petty to believe (I initially did not believe it – too insane – but my sources tell me it’s true).

Sadly, some retired officers have supported this. Some are clowns, like perennial election loser Amy McGrath who embarrassed herself even more than usual by supporting this despicable lack of support of the civilian chain of command. But our expectations were always low for mediocrities like her; it’s very disappointing to see a legit Vietnam and Desert Storm war hero weigh in on the wrong side. General Barry McCaffrey tweeted, “A responsible Air Force commander. True to her oath of office.” This is heartbreaking, but the elderly McCaffrey, 82, is a solid Democrat and Clinton appointee whose X timeline betrays his full-blown Trump Derangement Syndrome. Still, that does not excuse his selective toleration this revolt against the chain of command. One X commentor put it best: “Come on, general. If I was commanding a tank company in the 24th, you came by and expressed concerns, and then I told my troops ‘the concerns expressed by Desert 6 are not concerns held by this HQ’ that would just be all good in your book?” Of course not. Move over, Nagasaki – the 24th Infantry Division (Mechanized) commander in Desert Storm would have nuked that disloyal subordinate until she glowed – and been right to do it.

Not surprisingly, in light of the poor example of present and past leaders, other officers have gotten the idea that this is acceptable behavior. Some blast out emails essentially telling their subordinates to wait out the administration until they can return to the failed policies of the Democrats. And too many take to social media accounts that disclose their status as officers or NCOs to share their disapproval of the political leadership and hint – or outright state – that they will undermine their superiors’ orders.

At what point did someone give them the false impression that this was okay? Were they taught somewhere that the world was breathlessly awaiting their thoughts on American policy? Where did they get the idea that they have any right to interfere with the agenda of their elected leadership? Did it arise from toxic command climates where this behavior was tolerated or even modeled? Maybe it was taught in the military academies, which have become hotbeds of progressive indoctrination. Don’t get me started on the war colleges, where they don’t spend a lot of time studying war and instead focus on sanding the rough edges off rising-star colonels with classes about nonsense like DEI and seminars on how the weather is America’s greatest strategic threat, all so that these future generals don’t offend the civilians they meet while participating in the sacred ritual that is the “interagency process.”

There is, of course, a quick and effective means of setting the standard – or, in this case, resetting it. And Pete Hegseth is doing it. When you find someone who is failing to meet his or her obligations as a senior officer, you fire him or her. You do it immediately, like the SecDef did here. You don’t dither. You don’t equivocate. You don’t wait a couple of months until the brigadier general you detailed to perform an Army Regulation 15–6 investigation completes it. You fire the offender on the spot. And you consider firing his or her boss for allowing that kind of command climate to fester.

You also ensure that the relieved officer is retired at the rank where he or she last served satisfactorily, as opposed to the rank he or she wore when fired. Here’s a pro-tip: You didn’t serve satisfactorily if you were relieved for cause. And, where appropriate, you use the Uniform Code of Military Justice to prosecute those senior officers who violate the law and publicly embarrass the officer corps through their gross lack of professionalism. If you can bust a private for mislaying his M4, you can charge a colonel or general who breaches the most basic rules that govern our military organizations.

This is serious stuff. A military where officers feel free to undermine their chain of command is not a military; it’s a cluster fark. And a dangerous one – it doesn’t take a genius to know where it leads when military officer start thinking they know better than their civilian bosses. And we saw what happened when military discipline broke down and the chunky Chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff literally called our greatest strategic opponent – Hint: Our greatest strategic opponent is not climate change – and told the ChiComs he would collaborate with them should his President give him orders he didn’t deign to approve of. But for a pardon, that over-medaled hack would be converting large rocks into small ones at Fort Leavenworth.

It’s not outside the realm of possibility that I might be called back on active duty as a retiree for a short time to help out with rebuilding my beloved military – clearly, the situation is desperate. But if I do, during the time I’m wearing the uniform, you won’t hear a damn thing from me here or on Xabout what I think about politics.

We need a military that can win wars again. That will not happen until we first defeat the senior leaders who put their politics ahead of their duty.



No to Automatic Birthright Citizenship


The debate over birthright citizenship has a long history. Thanks to President Trump, the issue is again crying out for reconsideration. Although birthright citizenship contrasts with citizenship by naturalization, the factors influencing past and current policy decisions for each remain similar. Resolution of the issues is now made necessary because of the issuance of the President’s Executive Order No. 14,160. Proper resolution requires re-examination of the historical truth as to what Congress intended to do and how Congress implemented that intent

The debate arose primarily because of a difference in birthright citizenship wording in the Civil Rights Act of 1866 and the birthright citizenship wording in the 14th Amendment of the Constitution. The citizenship wording in the Civil Rights Act of 1866, was enacted by the 39th Congress on April 9, 1866, and reads: “…all persons born in the United States and not subject to any foreign power, excluding Indians not taxed, are hereby declared to be citizens of the United States...” Congress intentionally used the not subject to any foreign power wording to deny birthright citizenship to citizens of foreign countries. Foreign citizens (for birthright citizenship purposes) were deemed to have unacceptable loyalty, allegiance, and duties to other nations and, further, such other nations would have power over such persons in conflict with the power that the United States would have over its citizens and in conflict with the obligations and duties of U.S. citizens. The 39th Congress determined to add further strength to the provisions of the Civil Rights Act of 1866 by immediately incorporating the statutory provisions into a proposed new amendment to the Constitution. To that end, a citizenship clause was added to the proposed 14th Amendment. That Citizenship Clause was proposed to the 39th Congress on June 16, 1866, a mere 68 days after enactment of the citizenship clause in the Civil Rights Act of 1866: “All persons born or naturalized in the United States, and subject to the jurisdiction thereof, are citizens of the United States and of the State wherein they reside.”

Legislative history of the Senate clearly indicates that use of the word jurisdiction in the Citizenship Clause was intended to produce and was believed would produce the same result as the citizenship wording in the Civil Rights Act of 1866. At that time, Sen. Jacob Howard, who introduced the language of the jurisdiction clause, confirmed that the language in the Citizenship Clause referring to jurisdiction was: “...simply declaratory of what was already the law of the land.” (i.e. was already expressed in the “not subject to any foreign power” clause in the Civil Rights Act of 1866).

Senator Lyman Trumbull, concurring with Howard, declared:

“That means subject to the complete jurisdiction thereof... Not owing allegiance to anybody else. That is what it means... It cannot be said of any (person) who owes allegiance, partial allegiance if you please, to some other Government that he is “subject to the jurisdiction of the United States...”

Subsequent to adoption of the 14th Amendment, and in furtherance of the consistent intent and meaning of the two citizenship clauses, Congress actually removed any doubt as to congressional intent and the conditions for receipt of birthright citizenship when, on May 3, 1870, it dispositively reenacted all provisions of the Civil Rights Act of 1866, including the not subject to any foreign power citizenship clause. (See Section 18 of the Enforcement Act of 1870.)

Nonetheless, a faction of American citizens, some claiming to be experts, assert that the Citizenship Clause of the 14th Amendment provides automatic U.S. citizenship to any person born in the United States. First, the faction asserts that each such child born meets the jurisdiction requirements of the 14th Amendment since the child at birth is subject to U.S. jurisdiction in connection with miscellaneous laws binding on all occupants, such as laws prohibiting shoplifting and jaywalking. Second, the faction asserts that the child at birth meets all citizenship requirements regardless of whether one or both of the child’s parents are citizens of a foreign country, whether the child or one or more of the child’s parents are permanent U.S. residents, temporary visitors, or U.S. green card holders, whether one or more of the child’s parents unlawfully entered the U.S., or whether one or more of the child’s parents had committed or been convicted of a crime before or after entry into the U.S.

These assertions/interpretations/claims can instantly be recognized as in conflict with U.S. law and policies. Why?

  1. As detailed above, those assertions do not meet the requirements for and conditions to birthright citizenship established in the Civil Rights of 1866, the 14th Amendment, and the Enforcement Act of 1870.
  2. The Constitution is to be interpreted to the extent reasonable in a manner giving effect to all its parts and in a manner to avoid conflict or repugnancy with what was intended by its authors. It is therefore appropriate that the Citizenship Clause be interpreted so that it does not circumvent, impede, disrupt, or conflict with other citizenship laws, immigration laws, and the established rules, regulations, and policies of the Immigration and Naturalization Service. Such rules include, but are not limited to, eligibility requirements that the person (a) be of good moral character (certainly not one being raised as part of a family violating U.S. immigration law), (b) demonstrate an attachment to the principles and ideals of the U.S. Constitution, (c) be able to read, write , and speak basic English, (d) have a basic understanding of U.S. history and government, and (e) take an oath of allegiance to the United States.
  1. No compelling explanation has been issued by any court or otherwise as to why the 39th Congress would enact a law denying natural-born citizenship to a person subject to a foreign power (a non-citizen) and then 56 days later propose a law to the extreme contrary.
  1. The definition of the word jurisdiction per Lexis-Nexis is: “both the authority or power of the court to determine a dispute between parties.” When a child is born in the United States, courts in the United States have no such judicial authority or power over the child, since there is then no existing dispute to be adjudicated. There is no case or controversy. 

How should appellate courts and the Supreme Court rule in the current citizenship cases? First, because Trump is likely to prevail on the merits, the Supreme Court should vacate the temporary nationwide injunction preventing implementation and enforcement of the Executive Order. Second, the Supreme Court (reversing the much-disputed Wong Kim Arkdecision) should hold that the citizenship jurisdiction wording in Article 1, Section 1 of the 14th amendment has the same meaning as the “no foreign power” clause in the Civil Rights Act of 1866, as initially enacted and as re-enacted in the Enforcement Act of 1870. Only then will automatic birthright citizenship be denied to children born to citizens of foreign countries, to persons whose allegiance, loyalty, and duty are to countries or ideologies inconsistent with the principles on which America is founded, to foreign persons who have entered for temporary educational, work, or vacation purposes, to foreign persons taking advantage of the so-called birth-trade, and to foreign persons who have illegally entered the United States or have committed other crimes. 



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Chairman Xi Jinping Pressures Hedge Position in Vietnam with Increased Trade Agreements


Three months ago, I was in Vietnam reviewing just how expansive the positioning of Chinese investment was in the concurrent communist nation.  The short version is Beijing’s footprint in Vietnam was already huge.

As an outcome of the 2018 tariffs against China, which coincided with a President Trump visit to southeast Asia, multiple companies shifted manufacturing operations from China to Vietnam.

Beijing saw the move and slowly increased their own strategic footprint.

In the subsequent years as COVID-19 took attention from all other matters, and with Trump removed from the equation in 2020, China increased the scale of their investment and the outcomes in 2025 are very visible.

China even built this massive Disney type village in Phu QuΓ΅c (it’s nearly empty).

The people who live in Vietnam do not have money, they are a very poor nation.  The baseline poverty level, in combination with their communist regime politics, essentially eliminates their consumer power to purchase western goods and makes trade agreements between the U.S and Vietnam somewhat moot.  However, as a proxy manufacturing nation Vietnam is a valuable resource for China.

Essentially what can be seen in Vietnam is how Beijing spends money there for influence.  The U.S footprint is negligible in comparison to the visible influence of China.

Chinese Chairman Xi Jinping is in Vietnam right now making trade deals with the allied communist government.  At this point with so much Beijing influence money already in place, China can request very strategic terms.

HANOI, April 14 (Reuters) – China’s President Xi Jinping on Monday called for stronger ties with Vietnam on trade and supply chains amid disruptions caused by U.S. tariffs, as he attended the signing in Hanoi of dozens of cooperation agreements between the two Communist-run nations.

The visit, planned for weeks and part of a wider trip in Southeast Asia, comes as Beijing faces 145% U.S. duties, while Vietnam is negotiating a reduction of threatened U.S. tariffs of 46% that would otherwise apply in July after a global moratorium expires.

“The two sides should strengthen cooperation in production and supply chains,” Xi said in an article in Nhandan, the newspaper of Vietnam’s Communist Party, posted ahead of his arrival on Monday. He also urged more trade and stronger ties with Hanoi on artificial intelligence and the green economy.

After he met Vietnam’s top leader To Lam, the two countries signed dozens of cooperation agreements, including deals on enhancing supply chains and on cooperation over railways, footage of the documents reviewed by Reuters showed.

Chinese and Vietnamese state media later on Monday reported that 45 agreements were signed.

[…] Vietnam is a major industrial and assembly hub in Southeast Asia. Most of its imports are from China while the United States is its main export market. The country is a crucial source of electronics, shoes and apparel for the United States.
In the first three months of this year, Hanoi imported goods worth about $30 billion from Beijing while its exports to Washington amounted to $31.4 billion, Vietnam’s customs data show, confirming a long-term trend in which imports from China closely match the value and swings of exports to the U.S. (read more)


Decoding the NGO Takeover

Decoding the NGO Takeover

From hotair.com



The setup is this:

1. Marxist billionaires fund NGOs
2. NGOs develop game plans on how to execute an agenda on day 1
3. NGOs also build credibility through smaller government contracts
4. As soon as the right administration funds them, they execute on their Big Bad plan

— DataRepublican (small r) (@DataRepublican) April 13, 2025

...But looking back, it's exactly what you'd expect. NGOs operate outside the chain of command. They answer to no electorate, no oversight, no public mandate. They can push any agenda they choose without accountability. 

So the real question isn't how this happened, or even why. The real question is: why were we surprised? The moment Biden took office, the plan was already in motion. NGOs had the infrastructure, the logistics, the funding pipelines; everything ready to go. They didn't need permission. They just needed power. And when they got it, they had it all set up from day 1: overnight, we were flooded with illegal immigrants under the cover of a coordinated strategy that had been waiting in the wings. 

I've been acting like this was some secret operation pulled off behind our backs. But it wasn't. I wasn't deceived; I just failed to see what was right in front of me. Because if you wanted to carry out a bloodless coup, this is exactly how you'd do it.