Saturday, February 15, 2025

Trump Once Again Deserves the Nobel Peace Prize


After nine months in office Barack Obama was awarded the Nobel Peace Prize in 2009 for his supposed "extraordinary efforts to strengthen international diplomacy and cooperation between people." In other words, the awards committee wanted to hand him the Prize. Over the next seven years, Obama aptly demonstrated that he was undeserving and ex-Nobel secretary Geir Lundestad expressed deep regrets to the Associated Press.

Head and Shoulders Above

By comparison, during his first term President Trump initiated a new era of both American relations with foreign nations and the possibility of long-term peace in otherwise troubled regions. In his second term, in less than one month, Donald Trump has made bold strides regarding Israel and HamasUkraine and Russia, and Middle East nations and the U.S.

The Nobel Peace Prize committee has the chance to show the world anew that they’re committed to the cause of peace by the wishes of founder Alfred Nobel. The committee might, however, repeat their past, overlook Trump’s many achievements, and offer their Prize to ‘pre-approved’ individuals or groups. To do so would further undermine the integrity of the Prize.

As per its founding, “The Nobel Prize is a set of annual international awardsbestowed in several categories by Swedish and Norwegian institutions in recognition of academic, cultural, or scientific advances.” Well-known by those who pay attention to world events and unknown to liberals, President Trump was nominated in his first term for a Peace Prize and was most deserving of it.

No Small Feats

Among other states, he brokered the peace agreement between Israel and the United Arab Emirates, subsequently joined by Bahrain. This in itself was a monumental achievement. Unlike his predecessors, Trump embarked upon unconventional approaches to finding solutions in this turmoil-laden region. Spearheaded by Jared Kushner, Trump's son-in-law and senior adviser at the time, the relations between these Middle Eastern countries became normalized—plane flights to and from commenced.

President Trump also was instrumental in coordinating a new era of peace between Kosovo and Serbia – nations that had been skirmishing for decades. Kosovo, a 95% Muslim nation, and Serbia, a Christian nation for 12 centuries, launch unprecedented commerce and trade agreements, long unseen in that region. This development alone deserves a Nobel Peace Prize, and everybody on the Nobel committee knows it, but they choose not to heed Trump’s achievement or their own mission.

A breed apart, President Trump established an overarching policy of not starting wars, reducing troop levels globally, and declaring that the U.S. or any other nation cannot serve as the world's police force. Then, as now, he is against getting into long-term skirmishes and endless wars.

Now for the Best

While Trump is again rebuilding the U.S. military to a place of unmatched dominance, his peace through strength initiatives are paying off. His dramatic shift away from the U.S. presidents before him is worthy of the Peace Prize, especially following Barack Obama and Joe Biden.

Trump’s first-term peace initiatives were roundly discounted or downplayed by the Leftist mainstream press, including the declining New York Times and the farcical Washington Post. Will these two institutions finally relent? Regardless, long after these once prominent media giants have fractured into something else, Trump’s peace-related breakthroughs will be viewed as brilliant.

So, to sum up, Donald Trump earned the Nobel Peace Prize several times in his first term and several times already in 2025. His historic strides regarding Israel and Hamas, Ukraine, and Russia, and the U.S. and nations around the world cannot be denied.

Ignore Your Peril

It will be upsetting to the world’s Leftist, but the Prize must be awarded to Trump. The Norwegian and Swedish Leftists who award the Peace Prize can pretend he has made no impact on world peace, but at their own peril – this time, perhaps irrevocably, they will cheapen their Prize.

To disregard Trump again is the same as saying our award is only for people who adhere to a certain political view, ideology, or predisposition. We're not objective, we don't care, and we’ll give the award to whomever we darn well please – a posture that will seal their fate and expose their one-sidedness to the world.

As for Alfred Noble, he'll be turning over in his grave.



X22, And we Know, and more- Feb 15

 



High Crimes or Bad Behavior?


Consecutive slow motion constitutional crises, of increasing frequency and magnitude, have occurred since Nixon was ousted.  The latest was initiated by SDNY federal Judge Paul Engelmayer’s 1:00 am, Saturday, February 8 ex parte temporary restraining order, expiring after a week, prohibiting Treasury Secretary Bessent from performing his constitutional responsibilities and banning DOGE auditors.  19 judge-shopping state attorneys general petitioned Engelmayer (scheduled for nighttime emergency duty) for the “emergency” order.  Engelmayer ruled on an emailed filing submitted at 9:30 pm, Friday February 7, the eve of holy Super Bowl weekend.  Is nothing sacred to heathen Leftists?  They probably guzzled Bud Lights and binge-watched PBS to celebrate, playing Taylor Swift in the background.

Nobody accused Engelmayer of producing a coherent, unambiguous, constitutional order; or the states of possessing standing to interfere with Article 2 executive branch normal functions.  Senator Cotton’s February 8, 4:12 pm X post summarized the crisis du jour

https://www.americanthinker.com/articles/2025/02/high_crimes_or_bad_behavior.html

It was a judicial insurrection.  Engelmayer stipulated several filing deadlines, extending to the following Friday, once Judge Jeannette Vargas received the case on Monday.  The administration’s response objecting to Engelmayer’s order was filed on Sunday, February 9.  Recognizing the gravity of the crisis Engelmayer single-handedly created, on Monday morning February 10 Judge Vargas tossed Engelmayer’s deadlines and imposed expedited ones.  She ordered the parties to meet, the plaintiffs to respond to Trump’s filed objection by 5:00 pm that day, and the administration’s subsequent response by 11:00 pm.  On February 11 Biden-appointed Vargas reinstated Secretary Bessent’s control over Treasury but left Engelmayer’s DOGE handcuffs intact.  Business as usual for SDNY.  Appellate courts will restore sanity.

Attorney Andrew Branca points out that everyone focuses on constitutional impeachment provisions, requiring high crimes and misdemeanors for removing federal judges.  This imposes an exceptionally high burden for convictions.  House impeachments of 15 federal judges yielded 8 Senate convictions.  Another clause potentially applies to wayward judges.  Branca proposes a solution.  Let’s go to the text:

Article. III.

Section. 1.

The judicial Power of the United States, shall be vested in one supreme Court, and in such inferior Courts as the Congress may from time to time ordain and establish.  The Judges, both of the supreme and inferior Courts, shall hold their Offices during good Behaviour, and shall, at stated Times, receive for their Services, a Compensation, which shall not be diminished during their Continuance in Office.

Branca’s point is that if good behavior is requisite for judicial service, bad behavior must have been intended as grounds for removal by means other than impeachment.  Arbitrary judicial rulings are neither high crimes or misdemeanors.  They are civil, not criminal matters.  Criminality exists when judges are bribed or commit treason.  Politicized rulings aren’t crimes.  Criminalizing judicial rulings would descend a slippery slope.

Hamilton’s Federalist 78 forecast neutral rulings from lifetime judges insulated from political pressures.  He was naive in retrospect: “The judiciary is beyond comparison the weakest of the three departments of power; that it can never attack with success either of the other two;” “The general liberty of the people can never be endangered from that quarter;” Hamilton was prescient in one area: “Liberty can have nothing to fear from the judiciary alone, but would have every thing to fear from its union with either of the other departments;” Congress and judges have tag-teamed MAGA.

Hamilton’s “least dangerous” branch frequently usurps legislative and presidential prerogatives.  He recognized humans are fallible: “All judges who may be appointed by the United States are to hold their offices DURING GOOD BEHAVIOR;” (emphasis in the original), underscoring Branca’s point.

Branca emphasizes relevant provisions of federal judges’ Code of Conduct: “A judge should uphold the integrity and independence of the judiciary; a judge should avoid impropriety and the appearance of impropriety; a judge should perform the duties of the office fairly, impartially, and diligently by these standards.”  He addresses removal of rogue judges:

‘Bad behavior…should not be read as meaning the same thing’’ [as high crimes and misdemeanors.]  ...The founders clearly knew how to write the words high crimes and misdemeanors and if that’s the standard they wanted applied in Article 3, Section 1 they simply would have written that.

A reasonable threshold for bad behavior removal would be a simple majority vote in both the House and the Senate.  …[Engelmayer] ‘fail[ed] to uphold the integrity and independence of the judiciary by acting as a political activist of the progressive Left by engaging in the production of a TRO that fails to avoid impropriety, or at least the appearance of impropriety, by failing to perform his duties fairly, impartially, and diligently.  …Why didn’t the judge even try to contact the Trump administration lawyer[s] for their input in opposition to this TRO and instead move forward on an ex parte basis hearing, only one side of the argument, in the middle of the night?  It’s not like a Trump administration lawyer would have been difficult to get a hold of.’

Lawfare requires ultra partisan judges.  Engelmayer’s stunt highlights a chronic problem.  His ruling will be of little and brief consequence so it’s unnecessary to target him for removal.  But he’s hardly alone.  What if this evolves into a wider, coordinated pattern of lawless rulings hobbling Trump?  At some point Branca’s strategy may require testing, triggering Supreme Court review.  What would they conclude, that partisan judges can act arbitrarily, lawlessly, and outrageously but unless 67 Senate votes are achieved judges remain?  Certain Supreme Court justices should look into the mirror in this regard.  A constitutional amendment is overdue.

Progressive lawfare warriors self-destruct when pulling reckless stunts such as this one sponsored by 19 state officials.  While this plays to their base and aids fundraising, they must know higher courts will slap them down.  Trump reacted philosophically to Engelmayer’s ruling.  The affair provides proof his people are over the target.  Toxic TDS causes lawfare insurrectionists to play into Trump’s hands, unwittingly playing the fools he uses to illustrate everything wrong with the country.

New York was the lead plaintiff in this filing, i.e., rabid Trump nemesis New York Attorney General Letitia James.  James has gubernatorial ambitions.  Should she run for AG reelection or governor in 2026, Your Favorite President will use all options to defeat her, including Musk’s millions.

All 19 attorneys general need targeting.  If voters toss only one the others will reconsider lawfare.  Here’s the list: New York, Arizona, California, Colorado, Connecticut, Delaware, Hawaii, Illinois, Maine, Maryland, Massachusetts, Minnesota, Nevada, New Jersey, North Carolina, Oregon, Rhode Island, Vermont, and Wisconsin.  Those geniuses forgot Trump just won Arizona, Nevada, North Carolina, and Wisconsin.

TDS triggers Leftist and RINO self-immolation.  Liz Cheney and Adam Kinzinger were early offerings on the funeral pyre.  During Trump’s second term they are lining up.



We Are Totally Going to Crush the Democrats' Puny Lawfare Offensive


Everybody needs to calm down and take a deep breath – the DOGE revolution is not in danger because a bunch of obscure district court judges in blue jurisdictions have signed ridiculous temporary orders purporting to limit President Donald Trump’s ability to actually be president. Don’t listen to the black pill battalion. We’re not losing this fight. We’re going to win it. Listen to the vice president – JD Vance has gotten a lot of heat because he pointed out that this is a legal farce. As usual, he’s right. And, to the extent there is a constitutional crisis – which there isn’t – it was brought on by uppity jurists hoping to distract the administration from its mission by embroiling it in a separation of powers fight. Except that’s not going to happen. The President and JD Vance are not going to fall for it. What they will do is use the judiciary to police its own misbehaving members, and when it’s all done, these legal fights will solidify the administration’s ability to act decisively in the future.

There are a few things non-lawyers need to understand. The first is that this nonsense will not stand. There are many reasons why, but the most important reason is that these emergency temporary restraining orders (and the injunctions that will likely follow) are legally meritless. Once a serious court gets a look at them, they will end up on the ash heap of judicial history.

The next thing to understand is that after this fight, Donald Trump will be more secure in his ability to be president than he has ever been. This kind of nationwide injunction will go extinct like the dinosaurs, passenger pigeons, and alternative pronouns in government correspondence. Why? The most obvious reason is that the orders are legally ridiculous, but the other key reason is that Chief Justice John Roberts is fully aware of the danger to his institution that this phenomenon poses.

We’re going to win this fight. We just have to fight smart.

Let’s back up a little. Doesn’t it seem like these orders are crazy? Your gut is correct – they are crazy. They are also obnoxious, as they are the result of blatant judge shopping. Have you noticed that just about every one of these judges is an Obama or Biden appointee? That’s not an accident. They didn’t just get lucky in the judge lottery. It’s no coincidence that one of the judges is a big donor of Democrat freak Sheldon Whitehouse – he’s not black, so they might have met at Sheldon’s beach club. The leftists find a venue where they know they will have a sympathetic ear who doesn’t care about the law. Next, they file a nonsense pleading and get the handpicked judge to sign their proposed order – yes, lawyers often draft orders and give them to the judge to sign. Right at the threshold, these cases are the result of cynical gamesmanship. But it gets worse.

I was an active lawyer for 30 years, including in the federal courts. I’ve never gotten an emergency temporary restraining order. I don’t know anyone who’s gotten an emergency temporary restraining order. The rules for getting emergency temporary restraining orders are so onerous, and the judges so reluctant to grant them, that it’s an exception to the exceptions-level kind of thing. But it’s easy when you’re a Democrat suing Donald Trump! For litigants who are not suing Donald Trump, there is a whole list of things you have to show just to get a regular restraining order, much less one issued at 1 AM on a Saturday morning when the opposing party hasn’t even had the opportunity to respond. Among those showings is “irreparable harm.” In one order, the anti-Trump plaintiffs claimed that the “irreparable harm” was that they weren’t going to be able to read a government website about some DEI nonsense and, therefore, their patients were going to die. That’s simply crazy. Yet, the judge nodded and signed. 

Another requirement is standing. You must have suffered or be about to suffer an injury that would allow you to sue. Many of the suing groups can’t show any kind of individualized injury. The judges don’t even care. 

Nor do they care about the consequences of their usurpations of executive power. You have judges saying that cabinet officers can’t have computer access to what’s going on in their own department. Well, that seemed a little too insane, but the revised order said that the secretary can have access, but the secretary’s people cannot, as if the secretary is going to sit down at a terminal and personally do data entry and deletions for the entire department. This is craziness. The judicial branch cannot micromanage the executive branch. But that’s what these orders purport to do.

As a lawyer, watching this – much like watching a lot of the lawfare they have waged against Trump both in and out of office – is difficult because it’s utterly insane. You need to understand that the stuff you see happening with Trump and his administration never happens in non-Trump court cases. Not ever. Not even a little bit. And for normal people – that is, not-lawyers – this must look even worse. Just a few months ago, you elected Donald Trump to do all the things he’s doing, and now you have a bunch of handpicked pipsqueaks in robes ordering that he may be president, but he can’t do any presidenting.

So, the question is, how should Trump react to this stuff? Exactly how he has been – by playing it smart and playing the long game that will get victory over these tactics and solidify his position for the future. That requires the patience to use the legal process to work this through. We’re not going to fix it; we’re going to let Chief Justice John Roberts get his own house in order. It’s going to take time. It’s going to be annoying. But it will be successful, and we will be much better off when it’s over.

Conservatives, being the abused life partners of American politics, are always suspicious and on edge, and a lot of them were wondering why Trump just doesn’t tell these ridiculous robed rejects to go pound judicial sand. After all, as it has been famously observed, Chief Justice Roberts has no divisions. 

The regime media, and the Democrats, to the limited extent they are different, absolutely freaked out when JD Vance stated the obvious – Donald Trump could just refuse to obey these orders. The courts can’t stop him through hard power; the fact is that the only power the courts have is the respect the other branches grant it, respect that is earned by observing norms and ruling fairly. The fact is that the ultimate power of one branch to simply refuse to accept the overreach of another branch is, itself, one of the checks and balances within our constitutional system.

Democrats, the regime media, and other dumb people will tell you that that’s not a thing. This week, they’re demanding total obedience to whatever any court says at any time instead of the opposite position they held before January 20, 2025. But even they agree that, at some point, the judiciary can overstep such that the executive is not obligated to obey. Imagine that some judge in East Dakota ruled that Pam Bondi was constitutionally obligated to charge Donald Trump with treason for talking to Vladimir Putin on the phone and ordered that a charge that he wrote be filed and then found Donald Trump guilty of it on an emergency basis at 3:30 in the morning on a Wednesday and that Trump must be taken into custody in the next 15 minutes. Sure, most of the lawyers on cable and social media would think this was cool, but they are idiots. Normal people and perhaps 20% to 30% of Democrats would agree that Donald Trump would not be required to honor that ruling and surrender at the local federal penitentiary. Everyone agrees that there’s some line where the executive branch shakes its head and says, “No, you can’t do that, judicial branch.” The question is whether we are there yet.

We’re not even close to being there yet. Donald Trump has not disobeyed these dumb orders, nor should he disobey them for now. While it’s frustrating for us to watch the Democrats try to keep DOGE from uncovering their massive fraud, this is the smart way to proceed. It’s smart to give the judiciary a chance to correct its own errors, and Chief Justice Roberts and the Supreme Court will do that. He’s an institutionalist. There is no way he will put his institution at risk of being sidelined by jumping on the hand grenade that is these ridiculous rulings. 

Trump is smart to let the judiciary fix its own mistakes. Keep in mind that part of the reason the Democrats sought these orders is to provoke Trump to act precipitously and to disobey the courts, thereby creating the constitutional crisis they claim exists but really doesn’t. Instead, Donald Trump should read the orders narrowly and work around them where he can. His people should appeal all of them and let the system do its job. Eventually, these silly decrees will all get tossed out and there will be established precedent banning such antics in the future. SCOTUS has no desire to referee a couple of hundred stupid district court orders on micro-topics, like requiring the DOGE people to put new coversheets on all the TPS reports before they go out.

It’s going to take time and it’s going to be frustrating. For the enemy, that’s a feature and not a bug. We just have to be chill; it’s a Zen thing. But that doesn’t mean we have to do nothing. Administration leaders like JD Vance should continue to point out the obvious – that these antics are lame and that the executive branch holds all the cards. We should mock these ridiculous rulings, which will make normal people mad at the Democrats. Using his superpower of making his enemies take up the banner of the worst causes possible, Trump has the Democrats loudly siding with bureaucrats and corruption. Finally, the administration and its supporters should loudly publicize the unethical aspects of this campaign, like the connection between some of the judges and NGOs, as well as partisan anti-Trump comments by some of these judges that demonstrate partiality. When a judge rules, he puts his credibility on the line, and some of these judges don’t appear to have much. Let America see their bias in living color.

Mostly, we need to calm down and wait. They’re not going to stop us. These orders will fall. It won’t be tomorrow, but it will be soon enough. When it’s all over, Trump is going to be in an even stronger position because this weapon will be taken from the Democrat arsenal. And that’s a big problem for them because they really don’t have much else to throw at us.



Restoring American Culture



Editor, The New Criterion

Imprimis -- February 2025 | Volume 54, Issue 2


The following is adapted from a talk delivered on January 29, 2025, at Hillsdale College’s Blake Center for Faith and Freedom in Somers, Connecticut.

Throughout his presidential campaign, Donald Trump declared that he and his supporters were “the party of common sense.” In his Inaugural Address on January 20, Trump returned to this theme. With his flurry of executive orders, he said, “We will begin the complete restoration of America and the revolution of common sense. It’s all about common sense.”

I agree. But what is “common sense”? At the beginning of his Discourse on Method, René Descartes said that common sense was “the most widely distributed thing in the world.” Is it? Much as I admire Descartes, I have to note that he was imperfectly acquainted with the realities of 21st century America. If he were with us today, I am sure he would emend his opinion.

After all, is it common sense to pretend that men can be women? Or to pretend that you do not know what a woman is? During her confirmation hearings, a sitting member of the Supreme Court professed to be baffled by that question.

Is it common sense to open the borders of your country and then to spend truckloads of taxpayer dollars to feed, house, and nurture the millions of illegal migrants who have poured in? Is it common sense to sacrifice competence on the altar of so-called diversity? To allow politicians to bankrupt the country by incontinent overspending? That’s the start of a list one could easily enlarge.

In the cultural realm, is it common sense to celebrate art that is indistinguishable from pornography or some other form of psychopathology? Is it common sense to rewrite history in an effort to soothe the wounded feelings of people who crave victimhood? Is it common sense to transform higher education from an institution dedicated to the preservation and transmission of the highest values of our civilization into a wrecking ball aimed at destroying that civilization?

Like most important concepts—think of love, justice, knowledge, or the good—common sense is not easy to define. But we know it when we see it. And more to the point, we instantly sense its absence when it is supplanted.

In recent years—indeed, at least since the 1960s—our culture has suffered from a deficit of common sense. That deficit has eroded a great many valuable things, from our educational institutions to our cultural life more generally.

These days, the revival of common sense is often opposed to the rule of that coterie of bureaucrats the media calls “the elites.” As a shorthand expression, it makes a certain amount of sense to speak of elites. The folks in Davos who want to vaccinate us into oblivion, encourage us to give up steak for insects, and keep tilting at windmills to battle the weather are members of that shiny, self-satisfied group. So are the products of our Ivy (and near-Ivy) League institutions—those whom the critic Harold Rosenberg called the “herd of independent minds” who all think alike, believe they were born to rule, and occupy nearly every perch upon the tree of societal privilege.

But rather than being a true elite—which suggests a quota of excellence, merit, and achievement—the apparatchiks we call “the elite” are really just the credentialed class. They are often clever and always politically correct. Eric Hoffer, the so-called “longshoreman philosopher” who was prominent in the 1960s, was right to observe that “self-appointed elites” will “hate us no matter what we do,” and that “it is legitimate for us to help dump them into the dustbin of history.”

Indeed, that exercise in large-scale institutional tidying-up is central to President Trump’s effort to bring about the “restoration of America” through the triumph of common sense.

It is worth pausing over the word “restoration.” The dictionary tells us that the verb “to restore” means “to bring back to good condition from a state of decay or ruin.”

There are essentially two parts to this process. The first is to acknowledge frankly the state of decay or ruin for what it is. The abnormal is not the normal just because it is prevalent. For example, the mutilation of children is not “gender-affirming care.” Anti-white racism is not “anti-racism.” Illegal migrants are not “undocumented ‘new neighbors.’” A bisected cow in a tank of formaldehyde is not an important work of art.

The second part of the ambition to restore American culture begins by rescuing vital examples of cultural achievement from the sneering oblivion to which the establishment elite consigned them.

As to the first, the state of decay or ruin, I suspect that we are all familiar with what the “long march through the institutions” wrought in American culture. The phrase is a bit of Marxist jargon popularized in the early part of the last century. Its basic idea is that the best way to achieve the longed-for revolution is through a process of co-option. Take over a society’s schools, churches, and other cultural institutions, marinate them in a broth of liberationist ideas drawn from Marx and other left-wing intellectuals, and pretty soon you have taken over the commanding social, moral, and political heights of that society.

In a 1973 essay, “Utopianism, Ancient and Modern,” commentator Irving Kristol touched upon the conservative indifference to the claims of culture. “For two centuries,” he wrote,

the very important people who managed the affairs of this society could not believe in the importance of ideas—until one day they were shocked to discover that their children, having been captured and shaped by certain ideas, were either rebelling against their authority or seceding from their society. The truth is that ideas are all-important. The massive and seemingly solid institutions of any society—the economic institutions, the political institutions, the religious institutions—are always at the mercy of the ideas in the heads of the people who populate these institutions. The leverage of ideas is so immense that a slight change in the intellectual climate can and will—perhaps slowly but nevertheless inexorably—twist a familiar institution into an unrecognizable shape.

Kristol was talking more about the humanities than about art. But his point applies equally to the attitude of the elites who manage the affairs of our society regarding art and culture. They did not think or care much about art—it was something that went on, as it were, behind their backs. But then one day they woke up and found the art world, including the formerly staid world of museums, was awash in sexualized garbage, postmodern inanity, and race worship.

This process was part and parcel of a larger cultural rebellion against bourgeois values that got going with the advent of modernism. Today, we are living in the aftermath of that avant-garde: all those “adversarial” gestures, poses, ambitions, and tactics that emerged and were legitimized in the 1880s and 1890s, flowered in the first half of the last century, and live on in the frantic twilight of postmodernism. Establishment conservatives have done nothing effective to challenge this. On the contrary, despite little whimpers here and there, they have capitulated to it.

From the moment Donald Trump was shot at a rally last July, people have been speaking about a “vibe shift,” a shift in the zeitgeist of American culture. That revolution in sentiment picked up speed with Trump’s election in November, and it began barreling down the main line with his inauguration. We always hear about the “peaceful transfer of power” when a new president takes office. The usual procedure is for the old crowd to vacate their positions while the new crowd slides in to take their places. The institutions remain inviolate. Nothing essential changes.

Trump’s ascension was the opposite. He was elected not to preserve the status quo but to remake it. On January 20, he moved quickly to show that his administration would not be a colloquy of words only. It would be a locomotive of deeds. Within hours of taking office, he had issued some 200 executive orders and proclamations, affecting everything from immigration and the border to taxes and the cost of living. He ordered that the U.S. withdraw from the Paris Climate Accords and the World Health Organization and directed that federal employees return to working full-time and in-person. With the stroke of his pen, he obliterated DEI operations throughout the government. The exhibition of energy and self-confidence was extraordinary.

Trump has repeatedly said that his common-sense revolution would usher in a “new golden age.” In the context of unleashing the economy and technological innovation, we can understand this to mean literal gold. But a large part of our new golden age will be aggregated under the rubric of normality. The return of common sense is also the return of the normal. What would that look like in the realm of culture? [more]

Please see the full essay at:

https://imprimis.hillsdale.edu/restoring-american-culture/

Support Imprimis at: https://secured.hillsdale.edu/hillsdale/imprimis


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The Trump Doctrine



I have written about the Trump Doctrine for several years; however, as we enter this critical inflection moment perhaps a revisit is worthwhile to consider.

What you will notice from President Trump’s responses to questions during foreign leader engagements is the unique nature of his honesty.   In the most consequential of ways, President Trump is the most consequential foreign policy leader in generations.   We forget that during Trump’s first term in office, the headlines about North and South Korea were not about conflict, but rather about the possibility of unification on the Korean peninsula.

♦President Trump’s foreign policy approach brought North and South Korea together away from the table of conflict.  ♦President Trump’s foreign policy approach brought Serbia and Kosovo together away from the table of conflict.  ♦President Trump’s foreign policy rallied the Gulf Cooperation Council to stop Qatar’s support for Islamic extremists via the Muslim Brotherhood. ♦President Trump’s foreign policy brought Turkey and the Kurdish forces together away from war and conflict.  ♦President Trump’s foreign policy created a ceasefire to stop the bloodshed in Syria.  President Trump mediated a cessation of hostilities between India & Pakistan in the Kashmir region. ♦President Trump’s foreign policy brought Israel and the UAE together… and then Bahrain… and then Sudan in the Abraham Accords.

President Trump executes a unique doctrine of sorts, where national security is achieved by leveraging U.S. economic power. It is a fundamental shift in approaching both allies and adversaries; summarized within the oft repeated phrase: “economic security is national security.”

The Trump Doctrine using economics to achieve national security objectives and global peace is a fundamental paradigm shift.  Modern U.S. history provides no easy reference for the effective outcome.

President Trump doesn’t just represent an office or title, nor does he simply represent the majority of the American people; President Trump’s voice is the voice of every ordinary person, what the non-English speaking world defines as “simple people,” and he channels a global message from the majority to the top of the highest power structures.

The nature of the Trump foreign policy doctrine, is to hold manipulative influence agents accountable for regional impact(s); and simultaneously work to stop any corrupted influence from oppressing free expression of national values held by the subservient, dis-empowered, people within the nation being influenced.

The need for control is a reaction to fear.  President Trump is fearless because he doesn’t seek control, he seeks optimal solutions.  There are increasing examples of his doctrine at work.

When President Trump first visited the Middle East, he confronted the international audience with a message about dealing with extremist influence agents. President Trump simply said: “drive them out.”

Toward that end, as Qatar was identified as a financier of extremist ideology, President Trump placed the goal of confrontation upon the Gulf Cooperation Council, not the U.S.

The U.S. role was clearly outlined as supporting the confrontation. Saudi Arabia, Kuwait, Egypt, Bahrain and the United Arab Emirates needed to confront the toxic regional influence; the U.S. would support their objective. That’s what happened.

Another example: To confront the extremism creating the turmoil in Afghanistan, President Trump placed the burden of bringing the Taliban to the table of governance upon primary influence agent Pakistan.

Here again, with U.S. support. Pakistan was the leading influence agent over the Taliban in Afghanistan; the Trump administration correctly established the responsibility and gave clear expectations for U.S. support.

If Pakistan doesn’t change their influence objective toward a more constructive alignment with a nationally representative Afghanistan government, it was Pakistan who will be held accountable.  Again, the correct and effective appropriation of responsibility upon the influence agent who can initiate the solution, Pakistan.

The process of accurate regional assignment of influence comes with disconcerting sunlight. Often these influences are not discussed openly. However, for President Trump the lack of honesty is only a crutch to continue enabling poor actors. This is a consistent theme throughout all of President Trump’s foreign policy engagements.

Recently President Trump remarked the G7 is only a group of Seven because the Obama-led group took out Russia.  How did that benefit the larger goals, it didn’t.  President Trump wants to bring Russia back into the group and make it the G8 again.

Perhaps the most obvious historic application of the Trump Doctrine was found in how the Trump administration previously approached the challenging behavior of North Korea.

Rather than continuing a decades-long policy of ignoring the influence of China, President Trump directly assigned primary responsibility for a DPRK reset to Beijing.

China held, and holds, all influence upon North Korea and has long treated the DPRK as a proxy province to do the bidding of Beijing’s communist old guard.

By directly confronting the influence agent and admitting openly for the world to see (albeit with jaw-dropping tactical sanction diplomacy) President Trump positioned the U.S. to support a peace objective on the entire Korean peninsula and simultaneously forced China to openly display their closely guarded influence.

While the Red Dragon -vs- Panda influence dynamic was quietly playing out in the background, the benefit of this new and strategic approach brought the possibility of peace between the two Koreas’ closer than ever in history.

No longer was it outlandish to think of North Korea joining with the rest of the world in achieving a better quality of life for its people.

Not only was President Trump openly sharing a willingness to engage in a new and dynamic future for North Korea, but his approach is removing the toxic influences that have held down the possibility for generations.

By leveraging China (through economics) to stop manipulating North Korea, President Trump was opening a door of possibilities for the North Korean people. This is what I meant when I said Trump was providing North Korea with an opportunity to create an authentic version of itself.

What ultimately came from the opportunity President Trump constructed was lost in the 2020 U.S. election outcome.  However, the opportunity itself was stunning progress creating a reasonable pathway to prosperity for the North Korean people.

Chairman Kim Jong-un had the opportunity to be the most trans-formative leader within Asia in generations; but it was always only an ‘opportunity’ that could exist if President Trump remained in place to provide it.

Whether Kim Jong-un could embrace openness, free markets and prosperity was never seen. But we saw the opportunity that was nonexistent without Trump’s guiding hand to create it.

♦The commonality in those foreign policy engagements was the strategic placement of responsibility upon the primary influence agent; and a clear understanding upon those nation(s) of influence, that all forward efforts must ultimately provide positive results for people impacted who lack the ability to create positive influence themselves.

One of the reasons President Trump was able to take this approach was specifically because he was beholden to no outside influence himself.

It is only from the position of complete independence that accurate assignments based on the underlying truth can be made; and that took us to the ultimate confrontations – the trillion-dollar confrontations.

A U.S. foreign policy that provides the opportunity for fully realized national authenticity is a paradigm shift amid a world that had grown accustomed to corrupt globalists, bankers and financial elites who have established a business model by dictating terms to national leaders they control and influence.  In Europe they are currently apoplectic at the thought of the unwashed masses becoming ungovernable.

We had/have our own frame of reference with K-Street lobbyists in Washington DC. Much of President Trump’s global trade reset is based on confronting these multinational influence agents.  The Wall Street crowd hate him for it.

When you take the influence of corporate/financial brokers out of foreign policy, all of a sudden, those global influence peddlers are worthless. Absent of their ability to provide any benefit, nations no longer purchase these brokered services.

As soon as influence brokers like the World Economic Forum are dispatched, national politicians become more accountable to the voices of their citizens. When representing the voices of citizens becomes the primary political driver of national policy, the authentic image of the nation is allowed to surface.

In western, or what we would call ‘more democratized systems of government‘, the consequence of removing multinational corporate and financial influence peddlers presents two options for the governing authority occupying political office:

♦ One option is to refuse to allow the authentic voice of a nationalist citizenry to rise. Essentially to commit to a retention of the status quo; an elitist view; a globalist perspective. This requires shifting to a more openly authoritarian system of government within both the economic and social spheres. Those who control the reins of power refuse to acquiesce to a changed landscape.  This is what Europe is currently doing.

♦The second option is to allow the authentic and organic rise of nationalism. To accept the voices of the middle-class majority; to structure the economic and social landscape in a manner that allows the underlying identity to surface naturally.  This is what El Salvador and Argentina are doing.

Fortunately, we are living in a time of great history.  National elections like Romania, Georgia, Italy, France and Germany are highlighting responses to dysfunctional multiculturalism and financial influences from corrupt elites within the institutions of globalist advocacy: The International Monetary Fund (IMF), the World Bank, and the World Trade Organization (WTO).

In the U.K. the voices of the British people voted to Brexit from the European Union, as noted by JD Vance during his speech at the Munich Security Conference.  However, we see the British government turning more authoritarian and distancing itself from the voices of the majority who chose to rebuke the collective association of the EU.  The U.K. government ultimately takes a harsher approach toward suppressing opposition, and as a consequence oppressing free speech and civil liberties. [Insert the example of Tommy Robinson here – there are many others.]

This does not come as a surprise to those who follow the arc of history when the collective global elite are challenged or rejected. Globalism can only thrive amid a class structure where the elites, though few in number, have more controlling power over the direction of government.

It is not accidental the EU has appointed officials and unelected bureaucrats in Brussels as the primary decision-making authority.  By its very nature the EU collective requires a central planning authority who can act independent of the underlying national voices.

As the Trump Doctrine clashes with European global elite, the withdrawal of the U.S. financial underwriting creates a natural problem.

Trump plays the economic card because in fact, subsidies are needed to retain domineering government. If the national citizenry has to pay directly for the indulgent decisions of the influence class, a crisis is only a matter of time.  This is the “fear” component within the need for control by the European elite.

Wealth distribution requires a host.

Since the end of World War II, the U.S. had been a bottomless treasury for EU subsidy. The payments have been direct and indirect.

The indirect payments have included U.S. military bases providing security, the NATO alliance, and also U.S. trade policy permitting one-way tariff systems.

All forms of indirect subsidy are now being reversed as part of the modern Trump Doctrine.

Brussels, led by the EU’s largest economy, Germany, is having fits!