Friday, January 21, 2022

OT Thread: It's freezing, and we're probably bored. So let's dig in!

 

All, the, stinking, time. WHEN, when will I finally know when she's coming back?! (it's pretty sad that I've been saying this since late 2018 when I should've been able to stop saying that after Season 10.)

It's been a little while since there's been an OT thread here. And since it's the weekend when a lot of us are probably trying to think of something to do, and it's freezing out, figured now was a good as time as any for a OT thread!

I'll start off:

Politics doesn't depress me these days, mainly because I have good friends keeping me optimistic. If I do end up in one of my bouts, it's usually because of 1 of these reasons:

Missing Hetty

Tired

Bored

Or just simply having 1 of 'those days'

I get through.

Also:


Dude, just how hot did she look back in the 80's and 90's?! Like, 🔥😍

Before I get any weirder (😂), have fun down below!

Make Congress Great Again


Imagine a Republican majority 
electing former President Trump 
as speaker of the House. 
It could happen.


House Democrats can subpoena President Trump or they can yield back the balance of their time to Speaker Trump. They can carry on about January 6, 2021, until the midterms on November 8, 2022, or they can hold out until January 3, 2023, when the 117th Congress ends. If they choose humiliation over honor, they may lose twice on Election Day: first, at the polls; then, with the election of Donald Trump as speaker of the House.

To be second in the presidential line of succession, and sit next to Vice President Harris while Joe Biden stands (unassisted) and speaks before Congress; to preside while Biden stammers and wince as the president struggles to speak; to watch Biden lose face while refusing to cover his own; to do these things would be a coup for Trump and a win for the Republican Party.

Because the Constitution does not require that the speaker be an incumbent member of the House, Trump can take Nancy Pelosi’s gavel with a simple majority of 218 votes. He does not have to run for anything to ruin everything for the White House and congressional Democrats. And should Liz Cheney win reelection, she can join “the squad” and be a moderate among extremists, or resign her seat and be George P. Bush’s running mate in 2036.

A Trump speakership would also save history from those who continue to attack and revise it; who sit (for now) in judgment, in spite of having judged Trump wanting; who sit as bipartisan and unanimous supporters of the second impeachment of President Trump.

Trump would have the power to call the roll, and have the House clerk read the names of Thompson, Lofgren, Murphy, Luria, Aguilar, Raskin, and Schiff. He would have the right to pause, and have the clerk finish with Kinzinger and Cheney.

He would be remiss if he did not make a show of the farce of a trial against him.

House Republicans would be remiss if they elect Kevin McCarthy (R-Calif.) instead, because he is a political minority—a red in a deep blue state—with none of the energy or influence of Trump.

If Republicans choose to repeat history and suffer the tragedy of McCarthyism, not the tragedy of censure and collapse but the shame of infamy and irrelevance, they will be a majority without a mission.

If they revert to the ways of their former colleague, and adopt the means of another Wisconsin politician, if they choose to repeat the mistakes of Paul Ryan, they will be a majority without a mandate.

Better therefore to have a president in the House than a House in which Republicans cannot check the policies of the White House.

Better to inaugurate the 118th Congress with pomp and circumstance, glorying in the pageantry of power, with the protection of the Secret Service and the presence of the U.S. Capitol Police.

Best to see the peaceful transfer of power, as Nancy Pelosi watches Speaker Trump exercise power.


X22, On the Fringe, and more-Jan 21







Evening. Here's tonight's news:



W³P Open Thread: Stealing 0844MOS’ OP Edition


 

Article by Rick Moran in PJMedia


The Music Industry Is in Crisis Because People Are Buying More Old Songs Than New

According to the music sales data company MRC, “old songs” now represent an astonishing 70% of the U.S. market. It’s even more noteworthy on streaming platforms, where the 200 most popular tracks now account for less than 5% of total streams.

The current list of most downloaded tracks on iTunes is filled with the names of bands from the last century like The Police and Credence Clearwater Revival, according to author and musician Ted Gioia.

I saw it myself last week at a retail store, where the youngster at the cash register was singing along with Sting on “Message in a Bottle” (a hit from 1979) as it blasted on the radio. A few days earlier, I had a similar experience at a local diner, where the entire staff was under thirty but every song more than forty years old. I asked my server: “Why are you playing this old music?” She looked at me in surprise before answering: “Oh, I like these songs.”

Warner Music just acquired David Bowie’s songbook for a cool $250 million. There’s gold in old songs, and everyone in the business knows it.

It makes one think that attitudes toward popular music have changed in recent years.

The reasons are complex—more than just the appeal of old tunes—but the end result is unmistakable: Never before in history have new tracks attained hit status while generating so little cultural impact. In fact, the audience seems to be embracing en masse the hits of decades past. Success was always short-lived in the music business, but now it hardly makes a ripple on the attention spans of the mass market.

A few hearty souls take solace in the fact that only songs released in the last 18 months get classified as new in the MRC database. But that’s cold comfort indeed. I doubt these old playlists consist of songs from the year before last—and even if they do, this still represents a stinging repudiation of the pop culture industry, which is almost entirely focused on what’s happening right now.

The old music show, Dick Clark’s American Bandstand, might hold some clues as to why new music isn’t as impactful as old music. Clark always tried to be a trendsetter and would play some unreleased or newly released songs on his show. Afterward, a teen would be asked to rate the song.

“Why did you rate the song the way you did?” Clark would ask. “I liked the music and I could dance to it,” became the standard reply.

There is something pleasing to the ear and the mind about melody. There’s a sweet spot in our souls that some songwriters can touch, making a song memorable — even legendary. Those songs that mark important times in our lives — the song that was playing when we kissed our first sweetheart or the song that we associate with breaking up with that sweetheart — only melody can strike the heartstrings and make memory a living thing.

I find hip-hop dramatic but not very melodic. The rhythms are exciting and the wordplay extraordinary, but little if any of that poetry will be remembered after the artist is gone.

There are some songs that are remembered because we associate them with a person or an event. But even young people today recognize the value of older songs because they “like the music and they can dance to it.”

As soon as the music industry gets back to making music and not trying to send a message, the kids will be back.

 

https://pjmedia.com/culture/rick-moran/2022/01/20/the-music-industry-is-in-crisis-because-people-are-buying-more-old-songs-than-new-n1551222







Don't Forget to Recommend
and Follow us at our

W3P Homepage


The Pathetic and Political Sedition Case Against the Oath Keepers

Why did the Justice Department wait over a year to arrest Stewart Rhodes when nearly two dozen other Oath Keepers already have been charged with a conspiracy he orchestrated?


Facing intensifying criticism from Democratic lawmakers, journalists, and even some federal judges for not seeking harsher punishment against January 6 protesters, Attorney General Merrick Garland finally produced charges to appease his detractors. Last week, more than a year after the so-called insurrection, Garland charged 11 members of the Oath Keepers with seditious conspiracy.

The star of the new indictment, handed down by a grand jury on January 12, is Stewart Rhodes, the founder of the alleged militia group. (His co-defendants were charged with several other offenses months ago.)

Rhodes, described only as “person one” for nearly a year in numerous criminal indictments related to his organization, has been a free man since January 6, 2021, raising plausible suspicions that he may have been a government informant at the time. After all, the FBI has a longstanding pattern of infiltrating fringe groups such as the Oath Keepers and moving them to commit indictable crimes.

Under the definition of “seditious conspiracy,” prosecutors allege Rhodes and his co-defendants conspired to halt the “lawful transfer of presidential power by force” including not just the Electoral College certification but the inauguration, which was 14 days away.

The flagrantly political move will give the Justice Department a temporary reprieve from its loud chorus of critics on the Left. January 6 propagandists boast that the new charges finally offer some support to the heretofore baseless claim that the events of that day amounted to an “insurrection.” Beryl Howell, the chief judge of the D.C. court handling every January 6 case, recently expressed her dismay at the “petty offenses” sought by prosecutors; she undoubtedly will be thrilled with the news.

Corporate media also commend this apparently sweeping indictment. “It’s hard to underemphasize (sic) how significant this is,” former FBI official and MSNBC contributor Frank Figliuzzi told Nicolle Wallace after the indictment was announced. CNN legal analyst Asha Rangappa concluded that “even if Trump wasn’t directly involved in their ‘plan,’ his [exhortation] to his lunatic mob to head to the Capitol definitely helped them execute their operation.” 

But the real question is whether the government can make the charges stick. As my book, January 6: How Democrats Used the Capitol Protest to Launch a War on Terror Against the Political Right, details, the case against the Oath Keepers is weak. Out of the 20 people tied to the Oath Keepers (three have accepted plea deals), only one is accused of assaulting or impeding a police officer. No Oath Keeper is charged with carrying or using a weapon; the only property charge is “aiding and abetting” the destruction of government property. None are charged with directly inflicting any damage.

So what did these seditious conspirators do? For weeks, Rhodes led several group chats on an encrypted app to make plans to travel to Washington. Defendants discussed the deployment of “quick reaction forces” to the capital if necessary. Some allegedly brought guns but left them at hotels in Virginia rather than violate D.C.’s strict gun control laws. A lot of the chatter was harmless; in one exchange, a few defendants discussed whether to wear jeans or khakis.

Rhodes’ communications were by far the most inflammatory. On November 5, 2020 in a Signal group chat he initiated, Rhodes warned of a “civil war” and encouraged the participants to “prepare mind, body, spirit.” In a December 2020 interview, Rhodes declared, “we will have to do a bloody, massively bloody revolution against them,” if Biden assumed the presidency.

At 1:30 p.m. on January 6, Rhodes predicted the day would lead to “our Lexington.”

But despite all the bluster and threats, the Oath Keepers committed no violent crimes on January 6. Two separate groups of Oath Keepers entered the building in a “stack” formation used in the military. (Nearly all of the defendants are veterans.) None broke windows or tore down barriers to get inside.

Dressed in military garb, they walked around the Rotunda. According to prosecutors, the first group joined others in pushing against a line of police in an attempt to access the Senate chambers. After cops sprayed the first group with a chemical irritant, the group retreated and left. That attempt to “overturn democracy” lasted less than 25 minutes.

About a half hour later, the second group—referred to as “Stack Two” by prosecutors—went inside. Two defendants confronted police officers and one screamed, “this is my fucking building!” That failed “coup” lasted less than five minutes before Stack Two exited the building.

Three of the men, including Rhodes, never even went inside. One man, Edward Vallejo, stayed behind in a Virginia hotel to manage what is described by the defendants as a “quick reaction force” or QRF to transport firearms and ammunition if needed. (There is speculation this was intended to respond to an attempted attack by Antifa or Black Lives Matter activists that day, not to seize the Capitol.) The QRF never materialized and guns were never illegally brought into D.C.

Not exactly Bunker Hill.

So, for a few weeks of boasting on Signal private chats and for LARPing on January 6, these Americans are now branded seditionists. In a motion seeking Vallejo’s imprisonment until his trial,  Biden’s Justice Department claimed the Arizona man had participated “in a plot to oppose by force the execution of the laws governing the transfer of presidential power in the United States.” Even if true, which it isn’t, there is no law that specifically criminalizes an attempt to interfere in the transfer of power; to the contrary, Americans gather every four years in the nation’s capital, sometimes violently such as in 2017, to protest and, if possible, halt the inauguration of a president for whom they did not vote. 

Charging these men with seditious conspiracy is a new low for a vengeful attorney general and a Justice Department that has just opened a domestic terror unit to expand its prosecutorial and surveillance grip over Democrats’ political foes.

The charges are not only opportunistic but cynical as well. As the government well knows, there is less than zero chance the sedition charge will see the light of day in a courtroom. The last time the Justice Department prosecuted anyone for seditious conspiracy was in 2010 and the charges were tossed by a federal judge.

A much bigger question is why, if Rhodes is such a threat to the nation, did the Justice Department wait over a year to arrest him when nearly two dozen other Oath Keepers already have been charged for a conspiracy he orchestrated?

According to the indictment, Rhodes purchased tens of thousands of dollars worth of firearms, ammunition, and rifle scopes before and after January 6, making him by far the greatest threat of all the Oath Keepers. It’s unlikely investigators just recently discovered these purchases. So why was he a free man for the past 12 months, charged seemingly in response to aggressive questioning in Congress that threatened to upend the liberal insurrection narrative? 

Something doesn’t add up.

Is it still likely Rhodes worked in some capacity as an informant? Yes. Is the government announcing these bombshell charges now to deflect mounting suspicions that the FBI and other agencies used numerous informants and agents to instigate violence on January 6? Yes. Will these new charges succeed in delaying the first trial in the Oath Keepers case, set for April? Yes.

What they will not do is serve to establish in court that anything like an insurrection took place on January 6. Instead, step by step, this carefully crafted narrative will crumble, eventually taking with it the last shreds of credibility for the Democrats, the Justice Department, and the liberal press.


My Time in the Tank


One man’s story of getting caught up in the deep state’s attempt to take down a president.


With Paul Manafort’s explosive new book, Political Prisoner, we finally have a full and honest detailed account of how the U.S. government, the not-so-special Special Counsel Robert Mueller, and particularly the FBI treated anyone and everyone connected to Donald Trump. The plain truth is they were after him—and would stop at nothing in their quest of subversion.

I would know, because I, too,was in their sights.

Detained at Boston’s Logan Airport, the FBI grilled me about the 2016 campaign, specific persons involved, Wikileaks, Roger Stone, Nigel Farage, and Russia. It was evident that while they had a very thick file on me, and two warrants to confiscate my iPhone and laptop—which meant they had been surveilling me for some time—they knew I knew nothing of real value. This was an act of intimidation of a patriotic U.S. citizen, one with a former Top Secret and Codeword security clearance, who had held senior positions in the government and served informally and without payment on the Trump presidential election campaign. I was an advisor, policy wonk, and surrogate and appeared on British (BBC and ITV) news a lot. But my groundbreaking and explosive book, The Plot to Destroy Trump, which shattered the entire Russia hoax and the fabricated, DNC-Clinton funded Steele dossier, was about to be published and they did not want anyone to read it. It totally exposed them.

After getting very competent legal representation, one Bradley Bondi and his associates, the government flew me back to the United States from England where I was a professor at Oxford University, and we agreed to meet with Mueller’s gang at their secure SCIF in the Justice Department building in Washington, D.C. It is a metal box with padded walls, sealed completely off. It is a scary experience—something right out of a spy movie. We were picked up at my lawyer’s legal offices on K Street in a large black SUV by two armed FBI agents who escorted us. The car was full of electronic listening devices stacked in the back and the agent said he worked with Peter Stzrok and could park outside any building to listen to conversations inside.

On their side of the long table, inside the secret, secure interrogation unit, was a gang of lawyers and yet a few more FBI agents. The lead was Aaron Zelinsky, a Yalie who had worked for Hillary Clinton when she was secretary of state. The other inquisitor was Jeannie Rhee, also a double Yalie, who had been Hillary Clinton’s lawyer at the Clinton Foundation. They called in the notorious Andrew Weissmann whenever there was a serious question or to sign off on their doings. He appeared to be their real boss. Robert Mueller was nowhere to be found.

The interrogation went on for some three days from early morning until late afternoon. They wanted to wear me down and repeatedly asked the same questions in various versions, time and again, wanting to fool or coerce me. They had in their procession all my emails, texts, tweets, phone conversations, and social media. Since I had graduated from the U.S. Foreign Service Institute class on intelligence, negotiations, and countermeasures, I suppose I was a hard witness for them, and my lawyers were especially good at challenging and rephrasing some of their ramblings. I was not the target they said. And I had never visited Ecuador’s embassy in London and all the closed-circuit television cameras proved that. I didn’t know Julian Assange and had never met him. Besides that, they knew that Seth Rich, a DNC staffer (murdered in cold blood) had downloaded a thumb drive to steal John Podesta’s emails. I had met the Republican operative Roger Stone just twice and they knew that, too. I did email him some photos from Rhodes House and a pub in Oxford where, in an earlier era, Bill Clinton had been accused of raping a co-ed and left the Rhodes Scholars program months before his term was up, escorted by an official from the U.S. embassy. The FBI laid those photos on the table and asked if I had sent them. I said, yes, is it untrue?

They seemed particularly perturbed that, as a former Yale professor myself, and someone who had also served on two Yale boards for a total of 12 years, I could be involved and support someone like Trump. Zelinsky even confessed to me that he had called the Yale provost to “discuss” me. I told him, and this took him by total surprise, that his younger brother, Nathaniel, had been a student of mine while at Yale and a Buckley Society member, and that I was involved in writing a letter of recommendation for him to attend Cambridge University for graduate school. He was dead in his tracks and treated me totally differently after that exchange. In fact, he bent over backwards to try and resolve things, be nicer, and apologized the morning, months later, when I was brought back yet again, to testify before their flimsy grand jury. 

Ironically, they couldn’t get a quorum and at around noon said they were calling people, substitutes, and I was free to go. Finally, at the last minute, they got the lucky number, and I was hauled in sans lawyers and asked to read a short, proffered statement my lawyers had concocted. Zelinsky asked if there were any questions, and the sleepy jurors had none——well, one was aired in the end by the chairperson: would I agree to come back, if needed? I said, yes, of course, and it was over.

My time in the tank and a boatload of legal bills had yielded nothing and I couldn’t implicate anyone or any of their grand theories of collusion. But it was clear that the deep state was all-powerful, and they wanted Roger Stone at any cost so as to get to the bigger target—Donald J. Trump. The FBI has continued to harass me, read my emails and texts, listen to my calls, and has gone out of their way to damage my reputation. I suppose that is the price you pay for being a thinking conservative in divided America today.

As we’ve seen, when the Left controls the media, they control the news. And when you control the news—the flow of history, both past and present—you hold the power to control the way the world thinks. They call it propaganda. The American ideal is, after all, equality—understood by these partisans to be a white-washed population whose citizens think, act, and behave the same way, never deviating from the course. But like sheep being led to the slaughterhouse, too naïve to see the knife hidden behind the shepherd’s back, there is great danger in this race toward conformity in thinking. It seems as though this kind of equality is the gravest threat to our civil liberties and free will.

As I discovered firsthand, behind America’s mainstream media is a fluid collective of top intelligence agencies—including the CIA, FBI, and NSA—which we’ve come to know as the deep state. These agencies work in tandem to promote a homogeneous, liberal left-wing agenda—an agenda which they masquerade as democracy and equality, when in fact, it’s purely canned leftist orthodoxy. The public thinks they were part of this decision, as though they executed their own free will and judgment when really, they’ve been told not just what to think but how to think, through a calculated manipulation. In this new prescriptive age of so-called democracy, determinism is disguised as free will.

And in today’s world of rapidly advancing technology and instant-gratification news—where, by the time the newspaper hits your front porch, it’s old news—an unverified bit of information can become cemented as truth, plastered across social media platforms, and just like that, the opinions and agendas of the few become the ethos for the masses.

The most glaring offense of manipulation in recent history was the 2016 election, where the deep state crafted a myth, a one-size-fits-all narrative fit for immediate American consumption. It has not stopped.

Yet the best laid plans of mice and men often go awry. And left behind was a trail of crumbs riddled with inconsistencies. Using these advanced technologies, we were able to sift through the troves of electronic data, accessing emails and text messages, to reveal a truth so deeply buried: it wasn’t the Russians who attempted to hack the election, it was from within. 

As we know now, the deep state, working covertly and closely with the Democratic National Committee and Hillary Clinton, orchestrated a plot to subvert the 2016 presidential run of Donald Trump. And yet, the unthinkable happened: Clinton lost. Following Trump’s victory, these intelligence agencies and Clinton herself (and much of America) were shocked.

In a volatile mix of embarrassment and revenge, they continued to perpetuate the myth of collusion to delegitimize Trump’s presidency, slander his name, and weaken his character. In the aftermath, much of America—the ones sucking at the teat of the mainstream media, the carnal consumers of CNN and MSNBC—wanted answers: how could this happen? Clinton and the deep state concocted a prescription to remedy their devastating loss—a fabricated panacea for all those wounded Americans. Clinton herself wrote a 512-page book to address the simple question, What Happened?

Instead of playing by the rules, she tried to buy votes and rig the election, calling in favors from her deep state cohorts, and she was still bested by Trump.

That’s what happened. End of story.

But no one wants to read that book, do they?

Instead, what they got was a long-winded, overly complicated story of all the ways in which the world conspired against her, most notably those pesky Russians. But it’s pulp fiction—as phony as the very keystone dossier at the center of this ornate lie that begins with Christopher Steele, the master MI-6 fabricator himself.

But Clinton, along with a great majority of the world, was asking the wrong question. Instead of wondering how she had lost, the question should have been, how did Trump win?

The answer to that question, largely, was because Trump’s campaign and platform were a departure from traditional American politics. He was the antithesis to the archetypical politician who plays by the books while sticking to the script. America knew he’d be anything but boring—anything but a mere talking head. He was a call to action to American Greatness.

Trump’s team didn’t rely on sophisticated professional polling, focus groups, or message testing. And he sure wasn’t going to fork over nearly $1.5 billion in paid broadcast advertising—a reasonable estimate of what the Clinton campaign spent. He was the candidate who operated based on his instinct and based on his gut. And this scared the hell out of Washingtonians, who knew Trump served as a real threat to their operation.

Surely, they’d fight back.

In response to his meteoric rise, using the mainstream media as its voice, the deep state waged a relentless war on this new reality. And yet, Americans, too distracted to notice the knife in the deep state’s hand, were being force-fed a narrative that confirmed what they wanted to hear. Every headline, tweet, and blog post—each acting as another turn of the screw—tightened their foregone conclusion: the Russians did it.

What the mainstream media wants us so desperately to believe is that Hillary Clinton lost the 2016 presidential election to Donald Trump because of the Russians, that a select group of internet hackers were able to upend the results so heavily in Trump’s favor, and that now we need to exact revenge through endless, circular investigations.

And yet, the media and the deep state don’t stop there: They want us to believe that Trump and his campaign have had long connections to the Kremlin and that Vladimir Putin, channeling Nostradamus, had the overarching foresight to plant a seed back in 2013 setting Trump up as a Manchurian candidate to undermine America—using Trump like a puppet, his very own Moscow stooge.

With their investigation failing to connect Trump with Russia in any nefarious way, the deep state coordinated another attack to unhinge his presidency. This time, they turned to the 25th Amendment—which relies on a majority of the president’s cabinet and the vice president to agree that the president is no longer mentally capable of carrying out his or her duties. Sounds far-fetched, right? Undoubtedly, this was a tall order to execute. But considering just how easy it is to rile up hysteria in America using the mainstream media, particularly the folks over at CNN, it doesn’t sound so improbable now does it?

Make no mistake about it: there was a clearly defined attempt to take down the duly elected president of the United States—to subvert Donald Trump.

My story in this saga is a relatively minor subscript but it is indicative of where this country is going.

So, what are we going to do about it?


Europeans are still free-riding off American security

 

Remember how Washington’s foreign policy establishment and their media echo chamber bashed the “isolationist” President Donald Trump for abusing, humiliating and making life miserable for our close European allies, in the process obliterating the “liberal international order”?

Remember how some of the Europeans responded? Germany’s Angela Merkel declared “a new chapter” in US-European relations, saying that Europe “really must take our fate into our own hands.” France’s Emanuel Macron stated that Europeans need to stop “being naïve,” and assert their strategic independence from the US.

What happened? Nothing. Here we are, three decades after the end of the Cold War, and it is déjà vu all over again between Washington and Moscow. The foreign policy types are recalling the Berlin crisis of 1961, the Cuban Missile Crisis of 1962 and the 1968 invasion of Czechoslovakia, and urging the Biden administration to hang tough in another test of wills with the commies in Moscow, oops…I mean, the Russians. 


And the Europeans still aren’t paying their way. Shame on Trump for chastising the European members of NATO for not meeting their treaty obligation to spend 2 percent of their GDP on defense. The US spends 3.73 percent of its GDP. The Germans, after Trump’s chastisement, have increased defense spending from 1.55 percent to 1.73 percent. Any more, and they’d face a Wagnerian tragedy: cutting back on their traditional six-week annual vacations, not to mention slashing subsidies to their manufacturing industries so they can compete with the US’s struggling industrial sector.  


During the Cold War, free-riding on American security protection became as German as Bratwurst, and no less popular among NATO’s other European members. Typical welfare recipients, they have come to believe that they were entitled to US largesse. While they engaged in “soft” humanitarian development and talking tasks, Americans did the “hard” work, like dying in wars. Shame on Trump for removing US troops from Germany who have been deployed there since before most of us were born.  


Despite Trump, not much has changed. The Europeans are unwilling to spend on their defense, or even start to take care of their own security and deal with the threats on their strategic doorsteps in Eastern Europe and the Eastern Mediterranean.

Imagine France and Germany sending troops to help the US response to illegal immigration on its southern border, or to confront the communist regime in Venezuela and political instability in Central America. That is what the United States continues to do for the EU, securing Europeans’ access to the energy resources in the Persian Gulf on which their economies depend (and on which the American economy does not).

In 2011, the French drew the US into a military adventure in Libya aimed at deposing dictator Moammar Gaddafi. It ended with a bloody and unresolved civil war. If instability in Libya posed such a national security threat to France, why didn’t France confront it with its powerful military? And if Iranian ballistic missiles equipped with nuclear warheads could strike Paris and other European capitals, why does the United States have to carry the diplomatic and military burden of averting a nuclear Iran?  


Germany and Brussels have been instrumental in drawing the US into diplomatic and military crises since the end of the Cold War. The German recognition of Croatian and Slovenian independence in December 1991 led to the eruption of the civil war in the former Yugoslavia. But it was the US that paid the diplomatic and military costs of ending it, and faced the possibility of a confrontation with Russia.

Should the US carry the costs of confrontation in Ukraine? It’s the EU’s attempts to establish formal trade agreements with Ukraine, and its raising of the possibility of EU membership, that have angered Moscow and ignited a military confrontation in Ukraine. But the EU powers can’t face Russia alone.

Germany is just an economic superpower, a huge Switzerland without any capability to stand up to Russia the way the Führer and the Kaiser did. To be frank — and please, don’t mention the war! — it is not clear that anyone wants that to occur. France is a mighty midsize military power committed to protecting its national interests — but not those of, say, Macedonia or Georgia; the Americans are supposed to do that. And Britain has left the EU, in case anyone has forgotten  


Regardless, the Beltway insiders and journalists who suffer from Cold War Deprivation Syndrome use the Berlin Crisis of 1961 as a foreign-policy template. Officials, lawmakers and journalists dream it will define their experience in Washington. They fantasize about being “present at the creation,” of taking part in a great historical event as all the world waits and watches.

Securing Western access to Berlin in 1961 was a core US national interest. It’s not clear how Ukrainian membership in NATO advances American global interests when the general consensus in Washington is that the main military and economic challenge to the US is in East Asia.

Russia clearly poses a challenge to the balance of power in Europe, and in that context its policies towards Ukraine are important. How about Germany, France and other European countries banding together to respond to this challenge, which directly threatens them and not the United States?

Instead, we hear the Europeans are concerned about Washington’s willingness to stand up to Russia. This is ironic, perhaps even a paradox. It was Merkel, then the alleged “leader of the free world,” who pushed for Nord Stream 2, the natural gas line that goes directly from Russia to Germany and increases Germany’s dependence on Russia.   


Ich bin ein Berliner,” President John F. Kennedy declared, restating American commitment to defend Germany at the height of the Cold War. But the old Cold War is over, and a new one with China is beginning.

It’s time to reassess once and for all the US’s relationship with its European allies. We need to explain to them: this has nothing to do with Trump. Americans are just not willing to pay anymore the costs of their security. The free ride is over. The US can assist, short of military intervention, but the Germans and their European partners must defend themselves. No American president should visit Kiev and declare “I am a Kievian.” 


https://spectatorworld.com/topic/europeans-are-still-free-riding-off-american-security/   




By the Numbers, a Failing President

 

 

It's foolish to assume that the ChiComs don't have something on the installed one.

 

Article by Pat Buchanan in Townhall


By the Numbers, a Failing President

If the left believed that draping the Capitol riot of Jan. 6, 2021, around the neck of former President Donald Trump and the party that refused to repudiate him would sink the GOP, it appears to have miscalculated.

For, as the left painted the Capitol riot as an "armed insurrection," "domestic terrorism," "attempted coup," and political atrocity that stands beside Pearl Harbor and 9/11 as "a day that will live in infamy," Republicans were displacing the Democrats as America's first party.

Democrats began 2021 as the preferred party of 49% of the country. Only 40% identified as Republicans.

When 2022 began, the standings had been reversed.

Forty-two percent of Americans identified as Democrats, and 47% as Republicans, a turnaround of 14 points.

While President Joe Biden began 2021 with an approval rating in the mid-50s, he ended the year with an approval rating in the low 40s. One national poll showed Biden's approval rating sinking to 33%.

On Wednesday, a Politico/Morning Consult survey came out that showed that 37% of Americans awarded Biden a grade of "F" for his first year, with another 12% giving him a "D." School kids with grades like that risk being held back a year or expelled.

On his handling of the issues of immigration and restoring national unity, 40% of Americans flunked Biden. On the economy, 38% gave him an "F."

Also, in that Politico survey, 68% of respondents said America is on the "wrong track," more than twice the number who believe she is heading in the "right direction."

In this same survey, Biden's overall approval stands at 40%.

What is the message that the totality of these numbers conveys?

Democrat and media obsession with Jan. 6, their vast exaggeration of what happened, and the campaign to indict the GOP as a mortal threat to "American democracy" has failed as a strategy. And Biden's presidency is seen by the people he leads as a failing presidency.

If the election of 2022 were held next Tuesday, Democrats would be swept from power in both houses of Congress, and a Republican Congress would face a lame-duck President Joe Biden for the next two years.

And it is hard to see any deus ex machina waiting in the wings to prevent what is coming: gridlocked U.S. government from 2023 to 2025.

Indeed, when one considers the political situation one year after Biden's inauguration and 10 months before the 2022 elections, how Biden turns things around for himself, his presidency and his party is not easy to see.

The foremost issue in the public mind is the economy, inflation in particular. The consumer price index has been surging at 7%. But for the Federal Reserve to put on the brakes to control inflation could mean a major hit in the stock market, which was robust in Biden's first year.

If Biden is fighting stagflation by the fourth quarter of calendar year 2022 -- as Jimmy Carter was in 1980 -- Democratic candidates will be avoiding him the way Stacey Abrams shunned him on his visit to Atlanta.

A second issue on which Biden is racking up failing grades in the public's mind is immigration, which means the southern border across which some 2 million illegal immigrants from more than 100 countries poured in 2021. Biden has conceded that he has no chance of dealing with the crisis legislatively because of GOP opposition in Congress.

And his unhappy progressive allies would not permit Biden to employ the means necessary to halt the invasion of the country whose borders he has sworn to protect and defend.

Another issue gaining traction is the explosion of flash mob robberies and shootings and killings in Democratic-run cities, coupled with the perception that progressives are soft on criminals and tough on cops.

Saturday, a week ago, Michelle Alyssa Go, a 40-year-old New Yorker, was shoved to her death in front of a subway train at Times Square station by a "homeless" person.

Atrocities like this are now almost daily fare, and the stories and video are moving public opinion back to the law-and-order attitudes that worked so well for the Republican Party in the Richard Nixon and Ronald Reagan eras.

As for the coronavirus, the Biden administration neither anticipated nor prepared for the delta and omicron variants. And no one knows where we will be next November -- hopefully, in a better place.

As of now, Biden is a drag on the Democratic Party at the national level, and very probably in the off-year election in November.

What began his slide in public approval last August was a foreign policy debacle, the perception of a bungled withdrawal from Afghanistan.

And how Biden handles the Ukraine crisis ginned up by Russian President Vladimir Putin may come to be seen as a reflection of his mastery of foreign policy, or his ineptitude.

Ukraine could be determinant in history's judgment of Biden's presidency.

 

https://townhall.com/columnists/patbuchanan/2022/01/21/by-the-numbers-a-failing-president-n2602150 



Don't Forget to Recommend
and Follow us at our

W3P Homepage


A Scandal For Every Month: The Biggest Botches, Failures, And Mess-Ups Of Joe Biden’s First 12 Months In Office

It’s not hard to remember a Biden disaster for every month of his first year at the stern … or in the basement, as the case may be.



Joe Biden has been in the Oval Office (or that weird set in the Eisenhower building’s South Court auditorium with the greenscreen windows) for a year now, and he’s already managed to make his short presidency known for a long line-up of scandals, botches, and slip-ups.

It’s too hard to narrow the list down to one top failure, although his disgracefully handled Afghanistan withdrawal may be the most sobering and inflation may be the one that played the biggest role in Biden’s tanking approval ratings. Even though Biden’s mess-ups tally up to far more than 12, it’s not hard to remember a Biden-enabled disaster for every month of the septuagenarian’s first year at the stern … or in the basement.

January: Biden’s Radical First Week

On his first day in office, President Joe Biden signed a list of radically left-wing executive orders, including an order requiring that schools must ignore the biological differences between male and female students from the athletic field to the bathroom if they wish to continue receiving federal funding. In Biden’s first week, Press Secretary Jen Psaki also signaled the administration’s plans to reinstate federal funding for abortions around the world with the reversal of the Mexico City policy, and the new president canceled the Keystone XL pipeline.

As Tristan Justice reported at the time, “Biden’s first 48 hours in office have launched the new administration with 17 executive orders, more than were issued in the first month of their presidencies by Donald Trump, Barack Obama, George W. Bush, and Bill Clinton combined.”

February: Biden’s CDC Keeps Schools Closed

In February, Biden’s Centers for Disease Control and Prevention announced strict reopening guidelines that would keep many schools around the country shut down. “Only K-12 schools in cities and areas with low or moderate virus transmission can fully reopen for in-person learning, as long as physical distancing and mask-wearing is enforced,” Jordan Boyd reported on Feb. 12. “Any transmission rate beyond what is designated as moderate requires hybrid learning or ‘reduced attendance,’ limiting which children are allowed in the classroom at the same time.”

On the same day, CDC Director Rochelle Walensky admitted that far-left teachers unions that have worked to keep students out of school buildings over the course of the Covid pandemic had influence when the CDC created its school reopening guidelines.

March: Getting Corporations to Create Vax Passports

As The Washington Post first reported, the Biden White House spent the month of March plotting with corporations to develop a “vaccine passport” system to force Americans to show their Covid papers in order to participate fully in society. “The passports are expected to be free and available through applications for smartphones, which could display a scannable code similar to an airline boarding pass,” the Post noted.

April: Biden Debuts Radical Social Spending Plan

At the end of April, Biden announced his “American Families Plan,” a list of far-left spending priorities, many of which would become hallmarks of his struggling Build Back Bankrupt agenda. The goals of the proposed $1.8 trillion spending spree included extending government schooling fully into preschool and two years of taxpayer-provided community college.

May: More Unsavory Hunter Exploits Emerge

Scandal follows President Biden’s troubled son Hunter around, as the country learned when the New York Post published damning information recovered from a laptop the younger Biden allegedly left at a repair store in late 2020. But further revelations about Hunter’s exploits emerged in May of last year, adding to the pile of unsavory behavior that may implicate the president himself.

New emails from Hunter Biden’s suspected laptop published on May 26 by the Post show that Joe Biden “met with Ukrainian, Russian and Kazakhstani business associates of his son’s at a dinner in Washington, DC, while he was vice president” in April 2015.

“Dear Hunter, thank you for inviting me to DC and giving an opportunity to meet your father and spent some time together,” wrote executive Vadym Pozharskyi of the Ukrainian energy company Burisma, where Hunter sat on the board.

Other emails published by The Daily Mail in May revealed that Hunter Biden bragged he “smoked crack with [former D.C. Mayor] Marion Barry” when he was a student at Georgetown University.

June: Record-Setting Crisis at the Southern Border

Biden’s crisis at the Southern border has been setting records all year, but it was in June that apprehensions surged past 1 million for fiscal year 2021 and border crossings were at the highest levels since 2006. In May alone, “170,000 people were captured, marking a 20-year high,” Gabe Kaminsky reported at the time. June also saw the border state of Texas declare an emergency over Biden’s border crisis, which the president helped cause by reversing Trump-era stances like the “Remain in Mexico” policy.

As the crisis raged, Biden’s border czar Vice President Kamala Harris couldn’t be bothered to visit the actual U.S.-Mexico line, snapping “I haven’t been to Europe” when reporters pressed her on the topic. She finally caved and scheduled a trip, but only after former President Donald Trump announced his plans to visit.

July: Bragging about Working with Big Tech to Silence Dissent

In July, the Biden administration bragged about colluding with Big Tech to shut down perspectives with which the regime disagreed. In a press briefing on July 15, Psaki touted the administration’s policy of “flagging problematic posts for Facebook that spread disinformation.” A few days later, Psaki admitted there was nothing “off the table” in the effort to smear dissent as “misinformation” and have it removed from social media.

August: Bungled Afghanistan Withdrawal

August saw the largest-scale disaster on Biden’s watch so far, when the administration’s disorganized withdrawal from Afghanistan left 13 American service members dead and thousands of American citizens and allies stranded under Taliban control.

From the administration’s decision to vacate Bagram Air Base before evacuating Americans from the country, to leaving weapons and equipment to fall into the hands of the Taliban, to Biden taking an out-of-touch, hollow victory lap after the service members’ deaths and while Americans remained stranded, to the administration’s ongoing decision to ignore the allies still behind enemy lines, every action taken by the Biden team was a disaster. In the same month, the administration carried out a drone strike targeted at ISIS operatives that actually killed at least 10 civilians, seven of whom were children.

Americans won’t soon forget the harrowing images of desperate people trampling each other in the chaotic race to the Kabul airport, of people clinging to aircraft landing gear and falling helpless from the sky, or of a lone helicopter leaving the roof of the American embassy. There is blood on Biden’s hands, and our allies won’t soon forget it either.

September: Biden Lies to Undermine His Own Border Patrol Agents

After a photo of U.S. Border Patrol agents on horseback was misconstrued by Democrats and their media allies to falsely accuse agents of “whipping” criminals, Biden promised to make his own CBP employees “pay” and the White House banned agents in Del Rio, Texas from using horses going forward.

“It was horrible to see. To see people treated like they did? Horses running them over? People being strapped? It’s outrageous,” Biden claimed, even though the photographer who took the viral photo insisted he’d “never seen them whip anyone.”

October: Biden’s Ed Secretary, DOJ Collude with NSBA to Smear Parents as Domestic Terrorists

On Sept. 29, the National School Boards Association sent a letter to the White House asking Biden to use the FBI and other federal law enforcement to target parents using terrorism laws. A few dayes later on Oct. 4, in response to the letter, Attorney General Merrick Garland directed the FBI and federal attorneys to investigate and address “a disturbing spike in harassment, intimidation, and threats of violence against school administrators, board members, teachers, and staff.”

As it turns out, however, Biden’s own Education Secretary Miguel Cardona appears to have secretly requested the letter from NSBA, presumably to use as a pretense for the administration’s push to target parents unhappy with public schools’ closures, mask mandates, and extremist LGBT and critical race theory curricula.

November: The Unconstitutional OSHA Vax Mandate

After issuing a September press release threatening a vaccine mandate for private businesses with 100 or more employees, Biden’s Occupational Safety and Health Administration (OSHA) released an emergency temporary standard on Nov. 4 that would require businesses to comply by Jan. 4 or incur fines of up to $14,000 per violation.

The Supreme Court struck this down in January, of course, and the Biden administration knew it was flagrantly unconstitutional all along — but exploiting the delays of the judicial system allowed the administration to bully many corporations into compliance anyway. Never mind the fact that the Biden administration had promised during the campaign that it wouldn’t mandate the Covid vaccine.

December: Supply Chain and Inflation Nightmare

December saw the climax (so far) of Biden’s joint inflation and supply chain crisis, dually caused by the administration’s radical spending and Democrats’ Covid lockdowns. As Americans faced shortages and shipping delays during their Christmas shopping, the Department of Labor released its November figures revealing 6.8 percent year-to-year inflation, or “the largest 12-month increase since the period ending June 1982.”

December’s inflation numbers were even higher, clocking in at 7 percent.

Bonus: January 2022: Compared Filibuster Defenders to George Wallace, Jefferson Davis

In a Jan. 11 speech urging the U.S. Senate to ditch filibuster rules in order to pass his radical and unconstitutional federalization of election laws, President Biden compared his agenda’s critics — which include Democrat Sens. Joe Manchin of West Virginia and Kyrsten Sinema of Arizona — to former Alabama Gov. George Wallace and Confederate leader Jefferson Davis.

“Do you want to be the side of Dr. King or George Wallace? Do you want to be the side of John Lewis or Bull Connor? Do you want to be the side of Abraham Lincoln or Jefferson Davis?” Biden said. Comparing his critics to notorious segregationists isn’t a good way to start year two of the Biden era.

Who knows what new scandals and embarrassments await the Biden administration in 2022? For the sake of the country, we can hope for fewer than in 2021, but it’s clear the administration has a failed track record only one year in.