Tuesday, August 31, 2021

The Clear Case for Joe Biden’s Impeachment

Contrary to Alan Dershowitz, impeaching Biden 
doesn’t damage the Constitution—it fulfills it. 


Alan Dershowitz says calls for the impeachment of Joe Biden are “wrong.” He claims in his most recent op-ed at the D.C. establishment’s favorite Republican rag, The Hill: “Whatever one may think of what Biden did or failed to do, it does not constitute an impeachable offense under the text of the Constitution.” With all due respect, Dershowitz is full of crap.

“The Framers,” Dershowitz writes, “insisted that a president could not be impeached unless he committed criminal-type conduct akin to treason and bribery.” If this is true, then why did President Thomas Jefferson call for the impeachment of a federal district judge on the grounds that he was “a man of loose morals and intemperate habits?” Jefferson was a prominent founder, who greatly influenced the framers of the Constitution.

Judge John Pickering, a U.S. district court judge, was impeached on March 2, 1803. The articles of impeachment accused Pickering “of drunkenness, blasphemy on the bench, and refusing to follow legal precedent.” He was convicted a year later, on March 12, 1804.

Now Dershowitz and others would likely argue that this was an abuse of impeachment. Dershowitz asserts, “to use the impeachment power on partisan grounds, damages the Constitution and creates a dangerous precedent.” But the impeachment of Biden is not partisan. It is American, it is justified, and it is required.

Impeachment is not defined in the Constitution as “criminal-type conduct akin to treason and bribery,” as Dershowitz claims. It is defined as “Treason, Bribery, or other high Crimes and Misdemeanors.” The entire reason “other high Crimes and misdemeanors” was added was that George Mason—a framer—wanted grounds for impeachment to include attempts to subvert the Constitution.

Biden’s mental and physical disqualifications aside, there is no higher crime or misdemeanor than violating the oath of office.

The president of the United States takes the following oath upon entering office: “I do solemnly swear (or affirm) that I will faithfully execute the Office of President of the United States, and will to the best of my ability, preserve, protect and defend the Constitution of the United States.”

Joe Biden has assaulted the Constitution of the United States. Let’s start with Biden’s recent admission that the CDC’s unconstitutional extension of the eviction moratorium was . . . unconstitutional. Biden acknowledged the CDC’s extension was “not likely to pass constitutional muster” but hailed it as “worth the effort.” Is this what protecting and defending the Constitution looks like?

How about the equal protection clause of the Constitution’s 14th Amendment? It was ratified after the Civil War in 1868 to stop states from discriminating against blacks. Section 1 clearly states for those still literate: “No state shall make or enforce any law which shall abridge the privileges or immunities of citizens of the United States; nor shall any state deprive any person of life, liberty, or property, without due process of law; nor deny to any person within its jurisdiction the equal protection of the laws.”

On August 23, Biden called on private companies to discriminate against the unvaccinated. “If you’re a business leader, a nonprofit leader, a state or local leader who has been waiting on full FDA approval to require vaccinations, I call on you now to do that,” Biden said. “Require it.”

The unvaxxed, as I have written, are the new blacks. Is it not a violation of the Constitution and the equal protection clause to require a vaccination to work; as a prerequisite to having the unalienable right to life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness? Is this the behavior of a president, who is fulfilling his sacred oath to protect and defend the Constitution?

But these obviously impeachable offenses aside, let us look to Afghanistan. Dershowitz—and others—claim that “the Framers insisted that a president could not be impeached unless he committed criminal-type conduct akin to treason and bribery.”

Article III, Section 3, Clause 1 of the Constitution defines treason as “levying War against them, or in adhering to their Enemies, giving them Aid and Comfort.” Biden ignored the advice of his military advisors by withdrawing American troops—gifting the Taliban $85 billion in American weaponry in the process.

More damning still, Representative Dan Crenshaw (R-Texas) tweeted, “Biden is not letting US citizens through the airport gates. It has been impossible to get anyone through for the last 24 hours.” Biden has not only aided and abetted the enemy by arming them, but he is also actively assisting them in preventing Americans from coming home—giving them both American weapons and American hostages.

Thirteen U.S. service members have already died in the Kabul airport attack. How many American civilians has Biden condemned to die by leaving them stranded behind enemy lines—forcing them to stay there against their will? 

Is this not an act of treason? How about Biden’s green-lighting of a Russian pipeline while he shutdown an American pipeline? This certainly “aids and comforts” an enemy, while hindering and harming ourselves.

In June, Biden called on “Facebook to take action—responsible action, action that is critical to the health of our democracy,” to censor the speech of his political opponents. Is this defending the First Amendment? Is this faithfully executing the oath of office?

The truth is, there has never been a more clear case for the impeachment of a president in American history. Dershowitz is wrong. The impeachment of Biden doesn’t damage the Constitution, it fulfills the Constitution. It is Biden, who is damaging the Constitution. Biden should be impeached. It is both necessary and constitutional; in fact, the impeachment clause exists to remove the likes of Joe Biden.


X22, Stew Peters show, and more-August 31


It's the end of August, folks! Here's tonight's news lineup:



 

Importing Enemies

 Importing Enemies



The demand to resettle Afghan refugees brings the war home.

Perennial Democratic White House aide, congressman, Chicago mayor, and ambassador-in-waiting Rahm Emmanuel’s sole memorable utterance—his only candidate for Bartlett’s—is his cynical 2008 maxim that the good guys (i.e., his team) must “never let a serious crisis go to waste.” He was speaking of using the financial crisis to usher in sweeping changes to law, policy, the economy, and society that would otherwise not have been possible through ordinary democratic processes.

The same logic applies now to the Democrats’—and many Republicans’—insistence that America be flooded with Afghan “refugees.” Importing as many immigrants as possible, from cultures as alien to traditional America as possible, is the ruling class’s top priority, after protecting its own wealth and power. But since importing millions upon millions of foreigners is the primary tool by which the ruling class maintains that wealth and power—by suppressing wage growth and dividing the population—it can be hard to disaggregate these two priorities.

The parallels between the two crises are obvious. Just as ruling class hubris, incompetence, dishonesty, and greed created the financial crisis, so did a similar combination produce the mess in Afghanistan. There is no need to rehash the “higher” motives for the failure here. It is worth noting, however, that lower motives were not absent: a lot of people were making a lot of money off that war.

And now, just like thirteen years ago, our rulers want to use a crisis they created as justification to ram through what they always wanted to do anyway. Which, in this case, is to resettle a hundred or two hundred thousand (the number varies depending on who’s speaking) foreigners with no tradition of liberty—who are indeed from a culture deeply alien, even hostile to, Western civilizational norms—in your communities.

The justification for this is already being trumpeted: we must save our “allies,” translators and such, who helped us throughout our twenty-year failed experiment. This argument, though offered in bad faith, is effective because the vast majority of American consider abandoning an ally to a deadly enemy dishonorable.

But does anyone really believe that America has, or ever had—even over the duration of two decades—200,000 “allies” in Afghanistan? That we ever employed even a fraction of that number as translators? The claim is risible on its face.

The regime has in any case already admitted that, of the roughly 111,600 Afghans (as compared to 5,400 American citizens) already evacuated, it has no idea who the vast majority of them are. Our masters tell us that we must save “allies” and “translators”—and then in the next breath admit that they’re indiscriminately taking anyone. People who act and speak this brazenly do so out of a deep reservoir of contempt and hatred. The message is “We can do and say whatever we want; we can lie and contradict ourselves within the same sentence, and there’s nothing you can do about it. In fact, if you object, or even notice, we will use our power to crush you.”

There surely are some translators or others who really did help American forces and who deserve to be evacuated. If Americans could trust their government to establish and operate a serious vetting system to identify those truly worthy of resettlement—vouched for, say, by two or more of our soldiers who worked directly with the applicant in the field—most would support refugee status for such people. But they would number at most in the thousands, not the hundreds of thousands currently in process of resettlement.

But Americans don’t trust their government to do any such thing, nor should we. We know full well that the state will lie to our faces about vetting, numbers, and everything else. We will end up getting, if the regime gets its way, people who’ve undergone little or no vetting, many of them military-aged males, many others soon to be, and still others who are active enemies. For another little detail the regime has been forced to admit is that America has already evacuated figures known to be on terror watch lists. This toxic combination of absent and incompetent vetting means we will end up importing thousands of people who pose a danger to our citizens and to our way of life.

Beyond those (few) genuine allies and translators, America has no obligation to bring over “refugees” at all. Those who claim such a reason on the basis of Colin Powell’s “Pottery Barn rule”—“you break it, you bought it,” a rule that Pottery Barn does not actually impose—are incoherent. For by this logic, the United States is perpetually bound to compound its worst disasters with further deliberate errors: wreck a country, import its citizens. Or is that simply the plan?

Instead of “you break it, you bought it,” how about, “when you’re in a hole, stop digging”? Why do 2,500 American deaths, 20,000 injuries, and $2 trillion in losses obligate us to take on additional problems and burdens? How do our genuine obligations to a few hundred translators extend across an entire population of more than 37 million? Such arguments are a combination of sophistry and guilt-trip, in the service of ruling class pieties and political (and pecuniary) interests.

It’s far from self-evident that the war made Afghanistan worse. This was not like the wholesale destruction of Germany and Japan—industrialized countries with first-world infrastructure, leveled almost to the bare ground. Afghanistan was a premodern throwback before we got there and remains one today. If anything, much of that $2 trillion built far more than our drones and JDAMs destroyed. But according to one (if the only one) of the standards our ruling class set for itself—better, more modern schools, hospitals and other facilities—Afghanistan is today better off than it was in 2001. So whence arises this alleged obligation to resettle Afghans in America?

As for the Afghans killed in the war, many—likely most—were enemies. Or would those arguing for refugees now deny that? Doing so bolsters their pro-refugee argument—we busted their country so we owe them!—but eviscerates their pro-war argument. You mean we weren’t over there killing dangerous terrorists after all? Yes, there was collateral damage. But let those aforementioned 2,500 American deaths, 20,000 injuries and $2 trillion stand as compensation.

In contrast to all this, there are many, and compelling, reasons not to take in Afghan refugees.

First and foremost, America has massive problems here at home. Ours is not the competent, confident, prosperous country of the mid-twentieth century, with its patriotic and capable leadership. We are instead a decaying, half-broken society littered with dying communities, withering industries, and neglected, even despised, citizens. America very badly needs to get its own house in order—and fast. Our priorities should be to secure our borders, rebuild our industrial base, combat “deaths of despair” by giving ordinary people reason to hope, reform our increasingly anti-white education system, de-financialize the economy, and much else. With so many urgent problems to address at home, we don’t have the capacity to absorb hundreds of thousands of refugees—especially with the ongoing crisis at our southern border. We need to serve the interests of American citizens first.

Second, cultural compatibility matters. A 2013 Pew survey (i.e., conducted 12 years into our attempt to “democratize” Afghanistan) found that 99 percent of Afghans want sharia to be the law of their land. Sharia is about as far from American constitutionalism and law as you can get. We couldn’t make Afghans into liberal democrats over there; what makes us think we can do it here?

If there must be resettlement of those Afghans at genuine risk, but who contributed nothing to our war effort, they should be resettled in the most time-honored and logical fashion. I.e., they should go to countries closest to Afghanistan, where culture, language and customs are most similar, and from which it will be easiest for them to return home when conditions permit.

Third, a 2017 article by Cheryl Benard, the wife of a former U.S. ambassador to Afghanistan—a man himself Afghan-born—detailed how Afghan refugees have the worst crime and public assistance rates of all refugee groups in Europe. She admitted the article was painful to write but argued that the truth needed to be known. Why would we willingly, knowingly import more crime and poverty? Don’t we have plenty of both already?

A related, and disturbing, point: a great many American servicemembers deployed to Afghanistan observed how frequently Afghans, including many of our so-called “allies,” sexually abused Afghan boys, in many cases on American bases. Those Americans who complained or even pointed it out were ordered by their superiors to look the other way because “that’s their culture.”

You may shake your head at this example of relativism run amok. But we both know full well that the regime will couple—already is coupling—“that’s their culture” with furious accusations of “racism” against anyone who dares point out the problem. “They don’t do that, you bigot, and it’s fine that they do.”

To ask an indelicate but necessary question: among the 111,600 unvetted Afghans we’ve evacuated so far, how many are pederasts? Our government has no idea and doesn’t seem to care. But it cares if you care. If you do, it knows you are a “racist.” One vile, hatemongering (Republican) Congressmen even says your concerns about Afghan refugees make you “evil.”

Here is the most important paragraph from Benard’s article:

This brings us to a third, more compelling and quite disturbing theory—the one that my Afghan friend, the court translator, puts forward. On the basis of his hundreds of interactions with these young men in his professional capacity over the past several years, he believes to have discovered that they are motivated by a deep and abiding contempt for Western civilization. To them, Europeans are the enemy, and their women are legitimate spoils, as are all the other things one can take from them: housing, money, passports. Their laws don’t matter, their culture is uninteresting and, ultimately, their civilization is going to fall anyway to the horde of which one is the spearhead. No need to assimilate, or work hard, or try to build a decent life here for yourself—these Europeans are too soft to seriously punish you for a transgression, and their days are numbered.

Since Obama’s second term at least, and intensifying in the wake of the George Floyd riots, American officialdom has been passionately committed to leniency—for certain groups. Government at nearly all levels seems uninterested in, or even in favor of, lawbreaking not committed by white men. Many prominent voices in society now say openly that other, less “privileged” demographics cannot be responsible for any harm they do because its sole cause is their “oppression.”

Hence how hard is it to imagine some of our resettled Afghan “allies” committing, on our soil, against our kids, the same sorts of atrocities they take as their birthright in their homeland? Should we then expect punishment from American officials who cannot bring themselves to admit that a sainted refugee of another race and faith could possibly be responsible for his actions? But we can be sure of one thing: if an outraged father snaps and takes the law into his own hands, the state will crush him like a bug, instantly.

Mass resettlement of Afghans would thus seem to be a recipe for social chaos and unrest greater than any America has yet experienced—precisely at a time when we’re already experiencing the most since the 1960s. Who would choose this for their own country? We can be forgiven for assuming that our rulers are intentionally trying to hurt us.

Indeed, I don’t think that possibility can be altogether ruled out. Shortly after the Afghan withdrawal debacle became impossible for even the most brazenly dishonest regime hack to deny or spin, one of them shifted tactics: “Afghanistan,” he thundered, “is your fault.” By “your,” he meant ours—yours and mine, the American people’s.

The ruling class is angry that the people demanded an end to their idiotic, life-wasting failed experiment. They’re embarrassed at having been exposed as fools and failures. Some are bitter that the war-profiteering gravy train that kept them so well-fed for so long has come to an abrupt and ignominious end.

Instead of taking stock and asking themselves tough, necessary questions, they’re lashing out. They want to punish us for our justified doubts and lack of enthusiasm. They want to deflect blame for their own failure. They know, or should, that taking in refugees from a very poor, very tribal, very backward, very extremist society is a recipe for disaster. But they also know that none of these “refugees,” you can bet, will be settled in Cambridge, or the Vineyard, or the Upper West Side, or Georgetown, or Chevy Chase or McLean, or Berkeley or Palo Alto, or Santa Monica or Silverlake.

No, they’ll be going to heartland communities where what’s left of the middle class lives, to put stress on local schools, hospitals, police departments and other social services. And allowed to live as they damned-well please, free of the laws and regulations that tie honest citizens in knots, that are only enforced against us.

It’s hard not to conclude that our government hates us. That conclusion, at any rate, fits the observable facts of its actual behavior.



Why So Many Americans Reject…

 Why So Many Americans Reject Legal Due Process in the Age of Covid



The policy response to the covid panic of 2020 in the United States was one of the most widespread direct attacks on fundamental human rights in decades. Overnight—and without any deliberation, debate, or checks and balances—millions of Americans were denied their basic rights to seek employment, to freely assemble, and to engage in religious practices.

Business and churches were closed, and countless Americans were ordered to stay in their homes and abandon their sources of income.

This was all done with no legal process other than the issuance of edicts from a tiny handful of politicians, usually executives such as state governors and city mayors.

Those who pressed for lockdowns and the effective confiscation of property—for that's what a forced business closure actually is—denied that any sort of due process or “checks and balances” were necessary.

Rather, the lockdown advocates insisted that the public instead embrace unreservedly the “recommendations” of experts in government offices, who insisted that coerced lockdowns and business closures were the only reasonable response to the assumed threat of covid-19. Were one to suggest in mixed company that businesses ought to be afforded a hearing before being forcibly closed—or that an individual ought to receive some sort of due process before being deemed a “nonessential” worker—this was likely to elicit scoffing and contempt.

There’s no room for due process anymore, the official narrative tells us.

This new turn toward obedience to expert-fueled executive power didn’t appear from nowhere. Rather it is, in part, a manifestation of a long ideological process that has gradually replaced respect for legal checks and balances and due process with a deference to scientific experts. These experts, it is alleged, must not be subject to the slow and inefficient process of legal constraints on state power.

This process is explained in a 1963 essay by French political scientist Bertrand de Jouvenel titled “The Political Consequences of the Rise of Science.”1

De Jouvenel’s basic premise is this: with the rise of liberalism in the West—what some call classical liberalism—greater care was taken to erect legal obstacles that slowed or prevented state action against individuals. This was done to ensure due process was afforded to ordinary people. This position became especially widespread and respected in the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries as many gained a greater mistrust of government institutions and their agents. The idea was that political institutions could not seize life, liberty, or property from a person unless the state was first subjected to a reliable and stable legal process. 

But this due process was slow, and was backward looking in the sense that it had been built up on legal foundations of avoiding past abuses by regimes. In a certain sense, it is conservative by nature.

De Jouvenel writes:

Precedent is the most ancient basis of law, and the safest….

Judicial procedure is the sole remnant of the old idea of “the right way,” and therefore an islet of stable procedure in a sea of shifting processes.

The most revered experts under this way of thinking were the legal experts or—to use de Jouvenel’s preferred term—the jurists, who ensured that legal process was respected so as to ensure the maintenance of legal rights.

But by the twentieth century, this respect for the jurists had begun to be replaced by deference to other experts, especially to scientific experts and policy experts, who promised to be able to manage and direct society toward specific outcomes. Moreover, the public’s growing faith in technology as a means of fine-tuning society began to challenge the now seemingly old-fashioned ideas of due process and stable procedure.

Consequently, de Jouvenel writes,

Now the judgment has been reversed: those who operate traditionally [i.e., the jurists who demanded respect for the old legal processes] are a drag upon progress.

Outcomes, rather than the legal process, become the driving motivation for policy. The model for society at this point shifts from a courtroom or parliament to a laboratory. Progress comes to be defined as the adoption of lightning-fast scientific efficiency:

Social organization [under the new experts] becomes a matter for systems engineering, and specific decisions become problems of operations research….

Unwittingly and indirectly, the scientist undermines the juristic order…. Our expectation of and enthusiasm for progress are in contradiction with fidelity to “the ways of our fathers.” But the “ways of our father,” so dear to ancient moralists, have always served as a significant basis for jurists.

So let’s look at how this has played out during the covid crisis.

That “science” was more important than due process in the minds of a great many Americans became immediately obvious for anyone who tried to stick up for “due process” during the spring of 2020.

Rather, policy became guided by the idea that experts will tell us the proper goals of government policy, and then governments were expected to impose the coercive measures necessary to achieve those goals. This process was seemingly efficient and progressive: the experts wanted X and Y, so it was expected that the state would use its police powers to force everyone to do X and Y. The end.

Political debate, legislative process, and adherence to legal processes, on the other hand, became mere impediments to accomplishing these important “scientific” goals.

The means through which this was to be accomplished was also explained by de Jouvenel, who noted that in the old liberal ideal of legal process, the legislature was to take the lead, with the executive acting merely to carry out the legislators’ wishes. This was the old Lockean model. But it failed to last. 

Rather, in a regime that defers to scientific expertise, executive power has the upper hand, and the old Lockean model is turned on its head:

Science is a contributory influence to the dissolution of a juristic order. In the political realm, it is blatantly clear now that ”the executive” is nothing like what Locke imagined: he saw it as a power subordinate to the legislative, and as “seeing to” the execution of the laws. This implied that a decision of the executive should look back to the laws in force, whereas we are well aware that that such decisions in fact look forward to the results to be hoped from them.

In this new model, only the executive is well suited to conform to the demands of the new model of expertise. The executive can act fast, with minimal deliberation, and with attention paid more to outcome than to process. Growing executive power is a natural fit for a society geared toward deference for technocratic experts. By this way of thinking, it’s best to just move forward and let the legislatures and courts catch up later.

And this what we have seen over the past eighteen months. Experts and executives take the political lead with a variety of orders and edicts, and it’s up to the courts and the legislatures to follow the lead of “decisive” action taken in the name of science.

Thus, only many months after the fact can those who oppose the executive’s preferred policies hope to regain some semblance of legal rights and due process through the courts or legislative action. By then, of course, grave damage might have already been done to human rights and economic institutions. And experience suggests that legal rights, once abolished, are exceptionally difficult to regain months or years later.

The public is likely to tolerate this, however, because the new model of scientific expertise has been so successful among so much of the public. In this new way of thinking, it is important to “do something” and to “trust the experts” and to disregard legal limits on executive power. To demand otherwise is to be “against science.”


  • 1. Bertrand de Jouvenel, "The Political Consequences of the Rise of Science," Economics and the Good Life: Essays on Political Economy (New Brunswick, NJ: Transaction Publishers, 1999), pp. 165–78.


The Character of Nations and Failed Leadersip

 The Character of Nations and Failed Leadership

If anyone in the White House or its circling Obama attendants were conscious of history, they would recognize that political will, courage, and integrity forever define the character of nations. Consider the actions of British Prime Minister Winston Churchill who, when faced with a devastating military defeat in France, gave his military his full support in accomplishing the miracle of Dunkirk. Pictured: Churchill (left) in June 1940. (Photo by Central Press/Archive Photos/Getty Images)

Perhaps not since 1939, when this nation turned away over 900 German Jews seeking refuge from Nazi terror and certain death, has an American president acted as shamelessly as we approach President Biden's unilateral deadline for evacuating our Afghan allies.

On the eve of World War II, the German transatlantic liner, the St. Louis, sought entry in the United States as well as Canada, and Cuba, its manifest filled with the names of German Jews who knew full well their fate if they were forced to return to the port city of Hamburg and the Third Reich. While the other two nations also denied its passengers entry visas, it was the moral authority of the United States that had collapsed, giving others the cover they needed to act accordingly. It has remained among the most shameful abdication of presidential leadership in our history.

Until now.

If anyone in the White House or its circling Obama attendants were conscious of history, they would recognize that political will, courage, and integrity forever define the character of nations. Consider the actions of British Prime Minister Winston Churchill who, when faced with a devastating military defeat in France, gave his military his full support in accomplishing the miracle of Dunkirk. And what is less known is that of the 338,000 men evacuated by British ships of all sizes were 100,000 French allies. They would not be allowed to be left on the beach to face the deprivations of the victorious Nazis. They should consider themselves fortunate that they were not allies of Joe Biden and his circle of advisors, lobbyists, and consultants.

One can just imagine how America's leading military men would have responded to Biden's directives to abandon allies and weapons to the sworn enemies of democracy and freedom. Recognizing the ruthless nature of Stalin's bloodthirsty regime, at the end of World War II General Patton mused he was prepared to march on Moscow. U.S. Air Force General Curtis LeMay was in charge of the Strategic Air Command during the height of the Cold War and he too was prepared to do whatever was necessary to defend not just our nation but those Western European nations who stood with us in facing down the Communist Iron Curtain.

This President will have much to answer for as history records his catastrophic failure in how we left Afghanistan. The coming summary executions, the destruction of women's rights, where even the joy of dancing is forbidden, will be as much part of the Biden legacy as the billions in sophisticated American military equipment now part of the Taliban arsenal.

But Biden will not stand alone in that coming judgment. His circle of apologists and enablers, including Vice President Harris, Washington's shadow figures who are close to power but avoid disclosure, and the Progressive/socialists now strangely quiet in Congress will likely be viewed by historians as co-conspirators in allowing a global cancer to metastasize once more in Afghanistan, becoming far more powerful, more malignant and more deadly than before.

Patton would weep on LeMay's shoulder.

Lawrence Kadish serves on the Board of Governors of Gatestone Institute.


Joe Biden’s Presidency Has Gone Off The Rails And The Democratic Party Will Pay For It

This is a moment that demands basic core competence on 
how to govern and lead across multiple areas, and 
this administration apparently lacks nearly all of it.



Well, I certainly picked the wrong week to go on vacation. Normally you don’t have to worry about much going down news-wise in August, so I’ve typically taken a week there and the week after Christmas off in nearly a decade of writing this newsletter … and I cannot think of a single time I’ve done that where I felt more absent or overwhelmed by the amount of news I saw flying by every single day.

Today the White House faces a massive crush of challenges, both thanks to the world and of their own making. Their pandemic response has stalled, and they’re desperately throwing out impotent mandate threats — their vaunted plans proven incapable of returning the country to a state of normalcy, even if that’s what they ever really wanted.

Their Afghanistan withdrawal has resulted in the deaths of young Americans in the military and will likely soon lead to the deaths of civilians as well. Top Men are in a finger pointing war in Washington between the White House, the cabinet, and the military brass, while North Korea is spinning up its nuclear work and China is looking at Taiwan like a tasty snack.

American public schools, even sitting atop a ransom of billions, remain alone in the entire world to be in crisis about the requirements for fall in-person classes. The economy is doing insane things thanks to payments that continue to keep people from working and lead to help wanted signs on every window.

The border is a roiling crisis. Moderate Democrats are cracking under the weight of an increasingly unpopular party leadership. And to top it all off, a huge hurricane is slamming the gulf.

The condensed nature of these collapses, their rapidly moving nature and the responses they demand, require an administration — of either party — with basic core competencies and confidence that runs across multiple areas of engagement — public health, economic, foreign, security, and diplomatic policy.

This is the administration the media sold in 2020 — a return to strength, the adults are in charge again, America is back, blah blah blah. It was all a giant lie and it didn’t even take eight months to prove it.

The question I have now is: when does the Democratic Party — by which we really mean Barack Obama — decide a change is needed if it is to survive a political tidal wave which could go far beyond what we saw in 1994 and 2010. If a decision like that is not made, it’s possible that the Democratic Party may be on the verge of going into full rebuilding mode — with an entire generation of Baby Boomer leadership headed for the exits, to be replaced by a lackluster group of Gen Xers waiting for the Millennials to make it out of the minor leagues.

Their top two governors in New York and California are resigning in disgrace and sweating hard to avoid an embarrassing recall. Kamala Harris is posing in front of a bust of Ho Chi Minh and doing her best to distance herself from the embarrassment of her sleeping boss. There is nothing cool about this party, and while they won in 2020 by appealing to the extremely uncool Chardonnay moms with This House Welcomes Refugees signs outside their door, they just proved they don’t even care about those.

The media is going to have to work incredibly hard in the next several months to turn things around. Expect daily reports about the villainy of Ron DeSantis and the roving terror threat of Marjorie Taylor Greene. But even this may be too heavy a load for them to bear. This is a moment that demands basic core competence on how to govern and lead across multiple areas. And setting ideological debates aside, this administration apparently lacks nearly all of it.


Op-Ed: Your Freedom Is Not More Important Than My Fear Of Your Freedom



“Freedom!” It’s a common cry of the far-right and other ignorant troglodytes. They think it trumps everything as if saying, “You’re taking away my freedom!” is the end to any argument. 

But we live in a society. That means we have to think about each other and that your freedom isn’t the most important thing of all. And one thing your freedom does not trump is how I’m deathly afraid of your freedom.

Yes, all your freedoms are scaring me and causing me to have to cower inside the bathroom in my apartment. Your freedom to have firearms. Your freedom to operate motor vehicles (especially really loud ones). Your freedom to do whatever you want during a pandemic when I’m really sure you’re going to give me the COVID. Should I be constantly terrorized by the thought of people out there being free? No, that’s oppression, and the government needs to put a stop to it.

And don’t even get me started on the freedom of speech. Online is now a scary, scary place because I am so afraid that people are out there able to say any lie they want... or things that aren’t exactly lies but are misleading... or things that aren’t misleading but just don’t need to be said because it’s mean. Should you be able to say whatever you want when it’s causing severe psychological harm to me because I hate you so much and don’t like what you’re saying? Of course not.

Now, I am all for freedom, but fun freedoms like being whatever gender you want—or swearing at Ted Cruz on Twitter. But when freedom stops being fun—when it scares me—that’s when it stops being free. Because your freedom has imprisoned us by how scared we are that you can just do whatever you want. That’s why we need government agents dressed in black to do something to you in the middle of the night so the rest of us can sleep better.


Who’s Skipping theVaccine?

 Who’s Skipping the Vaccine? The Answer May Surprise You



For AmericanThinker; BrianD. Joondeph, Physician

Big media has been in overdrive pushing COVID vaccinations, at least after Joe Biden was ensconced in the White House. Remember that when Donald Trump was still president, the vaccines were suspect, simply because Trump played a major role in their development and rollout.

Before the election, Joe Biden and Kamala Harris were vaccine-hesitant.  Both cast doubt on the COVID vaccines, still in clinical trials last fall. Biden said, “I trust vaccines. I trust scientists. But I don’t trust Donald Trump.” Did he believe Trump was cooking up the vaccines in the White House basement, the sole decision-maker regarding approval, ignoring the pharmaceutical companies creating the vaccines, overseen, and ultimately approved by the FDA, not the president?

Biden’s running mate, Kamala Harris, cast similar doubt saying, "I would not trust Donald Trump and it would have to be a credible source of information that talks about the efficacy and the reliability of whatever he's talking about. I will not take his word for it.” Again, it is the FDA, not the White House that is charged with approving vaccines.

Trump can say what he wants but if the regulatory authorities say otherwise, that’s as far as it goes toward approval or usage. Look at hydroxychloroquine as an example.

In a hyper-politicized country, Americans tend to believe those with whom they identify politically. Hence those on the right supporting hydroxychloroquine as a therapeutic and those on the left, like Fox News's Neil Cavuto, saying “it will kill you.” If the future president and vice president were vaccine-hesitant, expect many Americans to adopt that view.

Once there was a new occupant in the White House, the vaccine narrative flipped and the administration embraced the new vaccines as if Biden and Harris conceived of and developed them, rather than having the vaccines and a robust rollout dropped on their laps when they strolled into the White House.

At present, the U.S. is 51 percent fully vaccinated. While that may not seem like success, if you break it down the numbers are more favorable. 62 percent of adults and 81 percent of the elderly are fully vaccinated. Another segment of the population has natural immunity based on having had COVID. Given natural infection as a second and more robust pathway toward herd immunity, America has done well.

Certainly better than countries like New Zealand, with only 24 percent of adults fully vaccinated and very little natural immunity as they are an island nation that has been largely cut off from the world for the past 18 months. Their population is being hit by COVID now with the inevitable surge in cases once this highly contagious virus variant got a foothold in the country.

Who isn’t yet vaccinated in America and why? There is vaccine hesitancy, which according to Wikipedia “is a delay in acceptance, or refusal of vaccines despite the availability of vaccine services.” It’s not simple and straightforward, either. “Vaccine hesitancy is complex and context specific, varying across time, place and vaccines. It is influenced by factors such as complacency, convenience, a fear of needles, or a lack of understanding about how vaccines work.”

Hesitancy is relative resistance, in comparison to those who are genuinely anti-vaccine, refusing any and all vaccines. A vaccine-hesitant person may be O.K. with routine childhood immunizations or a flu shot, but not the COVID or shingles vaccines. An anti-vaxxer would say 'no' to all of the above.

Leaving aside the rationale or flaws behind these views, who are the vaccine-hesitant and why? The media has reported on this group and, not surprisingly, their characterizations may be inaccurate.

Last March, Forbes reported that 49 percent of Republican men and 47 percent of Trump supporters will refuse any vaccine, setting the narrative for who is to blame now for the delta variant surge. Unknown then but known now is that the vaccines don’t prevent infection or transmission. According to CDC Director Dr. Rochelle Walensky: “Vaccinated people infected with Delta can transmit the virus."

Former CIA and NSA Director General Michael Hayden agrees with Forbes and his intelligence expertise leads him to conclude that Trump supporters are “our Taliban” and that “the MAGA wearing unvaxxed” deplorables should be sent to Afghanistan, presumably to be left to the whims of the real Taliban. I wonder if he wants unvaxxed Democrats, including blacks, of whom the majority are unvaxxed, to be sent to their deaths in Afghanistan?

The vaccines do however reduce the risk of severe illness and death, allowing many to suffer milder infection, gaining natural immunity, and pushing the country closer to herd immunity where COVID becomes a seasonal nuisance like influenza.

What is the media not saying about the vaccine-hesitant? 

As reported in Summit News, “A new report by researchers at Carnegie Mellon University and the University of Pittsburgh has found that the most highly educated Americans are also the most vaccine hesitant.” This was not a survey of a few hundred, but of 5 million Americans.

They found a U-shaped curve with the greatest hesitancy among the least and most educated. “The most common concern for those who are hesitant to take the vaccine is potential side effects, with a lack of trust in government close behind in second."

So much for the media narrative that only the missing-teeth, knuckle-dragging, Neanderthal Trump supporters are against vaccination.

Political party affiliation does not account for this as those with doctoral degrees tend to vote Democrat. Pew Research found, “highly educated adults also increasingly have liberal attitudes and values.” Why not with vaccines?

A decision to be vaccinated involves looking at evidence, scientific studies and their validity, weighing risks and benefits, then arriving at a decision. This is the scientific method, something that most people with advanced degrees are quite familiar with. Are they seeing red flags in their analysis that the less-scrutinizing, including the media, are missing? Maybe they are thoughtfully, rather than blindly, following and questioning the science.

For the uneducated, they may be more susceptible to conspiracy theories. Or perhaps they just mistrust the government and heavy-handed vaccine mandates which burden lower socio-economic groups far more than the Uber Eats and Whole Foods crowds that seem to do just fine under even the most draconian lockdowns and mandates.

Public trust in government is quite low, at 24 percent, according to Pew Research. If the government says to take the vaccine, three of four may question that. Is that vaccine-hesitancy or government hesitancy?

Another group, not mentioned as vaccine-hesitant, is blacks. According to the Kaiser Family Foundation, the white vaccination rate is 1.3 times higher than for blacks. This is not education level-related but instead may be a mistrust of “government benevolence,” a remnant of the Tuskegeesyphilis studies where the U.S. government withheld disease treatment in blacks as an experiment to learn the natural history of syphilis.

Blacks also voted overwhelmingly for Joe Biden and the Democrats. In exchange, their neighborhoods and businesses were destroyed by Democrat-backed BLM riots and police defunding. Their distrust of government may be well justified.

To be clear, for the benefit of any reader eager to report this article and author to the medical licensing board as being anti-vaccine, this is not medical advice for or against the vaccine. Instead, it is a commentary on who is vaccine-hesitant and why, an important public health concern if widespread vaccination is the goal.

Rather than painting with a broad brush and making vaccine-hesitancy a political issue, the media should explore who is actually hesitant and why. Name-calling, condescension, and disparaging criticism will not win converts who have legitimate concerns. This is especially relevant after flip-flopping narratives, as in one month being told if you get vaccinated you no longer need to wear a mask, then the next month being told to mask up, even if outside and even if you are vaccinated.  

Regardless of motivations, disparate groups of Americans, independent of political affiliation, are vaccine-hesitant, contrary to the media narrative. It’s a public health disservice for the media to politicize everything, including the COVID vaccines.



Almost 90 Retired Flag Officers Demand Mark Milley, Lloyd Austin Resign After Afghanistan Debacle



Nearly 90 retired U.S. generals and admirals penned an open letter asking Secretary of Defense Lloyd Austin and the Chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff General Mark Milley to resign from their positions following their “negligence in performing their duties primarily involving events surrounding the disastrous withdrawal from Afghanistan.”

“As principal military advisors to the CINC [Commander-in-Chief]/President, the SECDEF and CJCS should have recommended against this dangerous withdrawal in the strongest possible terms,” the letter states. “If they did not do everything within their authority to stop the hasty withdrawal, they should resign. Conversely, if they did do everything within their ability to persuade the CINC/President to not hastily exit the country without ensuring the safety of our citizens and Afghans loyal to America, then they should have resigned in protest as a matter of conscience and public statement.”

This “hasty retreat,” the letter continues, not only left thousands of vulnerable Americans and Afghan allies stranded at the hands of the Taliban but also contributed to the “catastrophic” loss of “billions of dollars in advanced military equipment and supplies falling into the hands of our enemies.”

“The consequences of this disaster are enormous and will reverberate for decades beginning with the safety of Americans and Afghans who are unable to move safely to evacuation points; therefore, being de facto hostages of the Taliban at this time. The death and torture of Afghans has already begun and will result in a human tragedy of major proportions,” the letter says. “The damage to the reputation of the United States is indescribable. We are now seen, and will be seen for many years, as an unreliable partner in any multinational agreement or operation. Trust in the United States is irreparably damaged.”

This damaged trust, the retired generals and admirals argue, gives confidence to U.S. enemies who “are emboldened to move against America due to the weakness displayed in Afghanistan.”

“China benefits the most followed by Russia, Pakistan, Iran, North Korea and others. Terrorists around the world are emboldened and able to pass freely into our country through our open border with Mexico,” the letter states.

The letter also points out how military leadership’s focus on “wokeness” is hurting the viability of U.S. troops and the military as an institution.

“In interviews, congressional testimony, and public statements it has become clear that top leaders in our military are placing mandatory emphasis on PC ‘wokeness’ related training which is extremely divisive and harmful to unit cohesion, readiness, and war fighting capability,” the letter says. “Our military exists to fight and win our Nation’s wars and that must be the sole focus of our top military leaders.”

“For these reasons we call on the SECDEF Austin and the CJCS General Milley to resign,” it concludes. “A fundamental principle in the military is holding those in charge responsible and accountable for their actions or inactions. There must be accountability at all levels for this tragic and avoidable debacle.”

Over the last week, multiple GOP lawmakers called on President Joe Biden to resign for “dereliction of duty that has left Americans dead at the hands of terrorists.”