Thursday, February 20, 2020

Thousands crowd Colorado Springs arena ahead of Trump rally

Thousands of people filled a Colorado Springs arena Thursday afternoon, hours before a Trump campaign rally.
President Donald Trump is scheduled to take the stage around 5 p.m. at the Broadmoor World Arena. U.S. Sen. Cory Gardner, a Yuma Republican, is expected to speak before the Republican president, who is known for his boisterous rallies. Vice President Mike Pence will also be in attendance.
Rep. Doug Lamborn, a Colorado Springs Republican and strong supporter of the president, said Thursday that he is eager to greet Trump. The president is expected to arrive on Air Force 1 around 4 p.m. before making his way to the Broadmoor arena.
“Donald Trump’s blue-collar boom is the largest economic expansion in history,” Lamborn said before the rally. “The president and vice president have created thousands of jobs in our district alone. Their pro-growth and pro-jobs agenda has led to record low unemployment throughout Colorado and the USA.”
https://www.denverpost.com/2020/02/20/donald-trump-rally-colorado-springs-cory-gardner/

Assange’s legal team plans to request asylum in France to avoid U.S. extradition

OAN Newsroom
UPDATED 1:11 PM PT — Thursday, February 20, 2020
Jailed WikiLeaks founder Julian Assange is reportedly planning to seek political asylum in France. According to his legal team, the attorneys are hoping to negotiate asylum for their client with French President Emmanuel Macron.
They warned that Assange’s possible extradition to the U.S. could set a dangerous precedent for journalists all over the world.
“The case that is in front of us concerns all democracies and our vision of what rights does a man have,” stated attorney Antoine Vey.
The WikiLeaks founder is currently being held in the U.K.’s Belmarsh Prison. His extradition trial is expected to end in May.

Assange’s lawyers argued their client has already suffered enough and must be released.
“This is a man that was prevented from sun exposure for years,” said Vey. “He wasn’t able to walk in an open place and he endured huge pressure.”
Earlier this week, the White House said President Trump was not considering a pardon for Assange.
 Spanish human rights lawyer and Julian Assange defense team member Baltasar Garzon, second left, John Shipton, the father of WikiLeaks founder Julian Assange, center, and lawyer Eric Dupond-Moretti attend a press conference in Paris, Thursday, Feb. 20, 2020.
https://www.oann.com/assanges-legal-team-plans-to-request-asylum-in-france-to-avoid-u-s-extradition/

How Michael Bloomberg Owned New York Media


How Michael Bloomberg Owned New York Media

The billionaire is skyrocketing in the presidential polls—thanks to tricks he learned as mayor.

Not long after he began contemplating running for an unconstitutional third term as mayor of New York City in 2008, Michael Bloomberg made a strategic decision: He wouldn’t move forward without first wooing the owners of New York City’s biggest newspapers. Those very papers had helped block Rudy Giuliani’s quest for a three-month extension of his second term back in 2001. America’s Mayor felt that he needed to stick around to shepherd a city still reeling from the September 11 attacks. The editorial board of The New York Times called the move “a terrible idea,”arguing that the nation had never “postponed the transfer of power” for any reason.  

Bloomberg would use a similar rationale as Giuliani, claiming that the 2008 financial crisis and its aftermath required that he remain at the helm. But in fact, Bloomberg’s conversations with Arthur Sulzberger Jr. (owner of the Times), Rupert Murdoch (New York Post), and his longtime enabler Mort Zuckerman (New York Daily News) began well ahead of the collapse of Lehmann Brothers. By the time Bloomberg was ready to announce his bid for a third term, in the fall of 2008, all three papers had already endorsed the maneuver. For the Times, a third term was no longer corrupt and un-American. It was democracy at its finest: Term limits, in the Times’ revised view, “deny New Yorkers—at a time when the city’s economy is under great stress—the right to decide for themselves whether an effective and popular mayor should stay in office.” 

As the legendary muckraker Wayne Barrett wrote in the Village Voice that fall, “We are all used to editorial boards making endorsements determined by their owners, but this was the first time in memory that these three proud institutions had marched in such lockstep on a policy matter after meetings between a political figure and their three owners.”

Bloomberg’s use of his immense wealth to influence politicians and advocacy groups has recently attracted significant attention, as he emerges as a late contender in the Democratic presidential primary. But his time as mayor also shows that he has had a similar impact on the media. Mayor Bloomberg thrived due to a combination of paid media, close ties to the city’s media elite, and the tacit approval of journalists who applauded his technocratic-cum-authoritarian efforts to transform New York City. It’s the same recipe he’s using in 2020, albeit on a supersized scale. 

Bloomberg was first elected without much media scrutiny at all. When stories initially emerged about his long history of misogynistic commentsand the climate of sexual harassment at his company Bloomberg LP, they did not get much traction. In the summer of 2001, Democrat Mark Green was the clear front-runner, and Bloomberg was considered something of an afterthought. “Every sign,” The New Yorker’s Elizabeth Kolbert wrote just before Election Day, “points to his being a Pantalone-like figure who is parted from a great deal of money and humiliated in the bargain.” But by the late fall, Bloomberg was narrowly leading in the polls—and the media was understandably focused on the September 11 attacks, not on the mogul who would be mayor. 

Bloomberg deployed the same formula in his three mayoral campaigns that he is relying on now as he seeks the Democratic nomination: Spend so much money on advertising that it overwhelms any negative reporting. The amount of money he was tossing at the election was unprecedented, but the media largely ignored it. Voters’ opinions were shaped by a relentless ad campaign rather than stories about Bloomberg.

“The free media missed the story, and missed challenging the story being propounded in paid-for media partly because it found it awkward to talk about the overriding issue of the paid-for-media story, which was money,” Michael Wolff noted two weeks after Bloomberg won his first election. “The commercials, or his ability to afford them, was, in some sense, the Bloomberg platform. They were his credentials. Precisely because he could buy this time, he was taken seriously. The Times didn’t scrutinize him because they would have had to scrutinize what, to their minds, legitimized him. Money was the record he was running on.”

As mayor, Bloomberg kept spending. He lavished hundreds of millions of dollars—possibly billions, according to some estimates—on politicians and advocacy groups. This spending muffled outside criticism. Before Bloomberg, city politics was noisy—one interest group or another was always criticizing the mayor for something. Bloomberg was able to silence much of that criticism with payments that Doug Muzzio, a professor of public affairs at New York’s Baruch College, described to BuzzFeed in 2013 as “protection money.” With so many groups paid off, there were fewer critics of his racist policing policies or the city’s skyrocketing inequality.

When Bloomberg’s wealth was addressed in the media, it was often in adulatory terms. He was the benevolent boss who paid for his aides to fly first class and stay in the Four Seasons. Reporters were also charmed by his gruff, sometimes profane manner—even if he would get occasional low marks for, say, belittling a disabled journalist. It didn’t hurt that he was friends with the owners of the city’s most influential papers. “Can you imagine how the Post would’ve blown up if David Dinkins lied about taking the subway to work every day?” asked Alex Pareene back in 2009. “The Daily News response to discovering that John Lindsay flew to Bermudaevery weekend?” But the tabloids let Bloomberg off the hook. 

There was also a sense that reporters themselves largely thought Bloomberg was doing a good job. The city was less raucous, dangerous, and dirty. The people being affected by stop and frisk were poor and nonwhite and had little in common with many of the people covering City Hall. The negative stories about Bloomberg that did emerge mostly focused on his nannyish tendencies—his attempts to ban soda and smoking, for instance. These stories nevertheless played into Bloomberg’s aggrandizing narrative as a doer and a fixer—the rare disinterested politician who was only trying to do what was best for New York. Even his alarming record on civil rights and surveillance got a pass, though that may have had more to do with lingering post-9/11 anxiety than the press’s relationship with Bloomberg. 

Writing in The New Yorker in 2009, Ben McGrath summed up the case for Bloomberg being made in newspapers and magazines across the city: 
Crime is low, test scores are climbing, and racial tension hardly registers. Having proved unusually adept at governing the ungovernable city, Bloomberg spent much of the past few years advancing an agenda beyond the borders of the five boroughs. Environmental activists rave about his global-warming speech in Bali, in 2007, and, through his efforts with the Mayors Against Illegal Guns coalition, which he co-founded, Bloomberg has probably done as much as any politician in the country to hold weapons dealers accountable. Far more than Rudy Giuliani, who parlayed his symbolic role as the stoic face of leadership after September 11th into the honorary title of America’s Mayor, Bloomberg deserves the label. 

McGrath went on to note that “the Bloomberg phenomenon, one had to remember, was never quite democratic in the first place.” That was the trade-off: Sure, the mayor might have bought an election or two (or three), but he was someone the reasonably liberal and reasonably well-heeled could get behind. New York magazine could only marvel at the man: “Michael Bloomberg Runs This Town” was the headline of a profile that declared the mayor the city’s only true power source. Even the merely wealthy had to bow at his altar: “Certainly there are other figures with real power,” wrote Chris Smith, but “their influence is circumscribed, confined to their narrow categories: real estate, culture, health care, banking. And, in terms of civic life, little of their power exists independent of their relationships with Bloomberg.” 

Even Wayne Barrett, a thorn in the side of nearly every elected official in New York over a 50-year period, could make a case for Bloomberg—albeit in a lengthy piece castigating the mayor for his numerous post–first term failings. 

A presidential campaign—particularly a presidential campaign in the year 2020—is different. With Donald Trump “jokingly” suggesting he could stay in the Oval Office for more than eight years, it’s hard to imagine the Times editorial board being so cavalier about term limits now. But Bloomberg is still overwhelming negative media coverage with paid advertising. He is still purchasing the allegiance of politicians and advocacy groups. And there is still a sense of awe in the media when it comes to the way Bloomberg extravagantly uses his wealth—so many stories about the prodigious salaries he’s handing out to staffers, the sumptuous food at his campaign events. These are Bloomberg’s credentials, and they are part of the lesson that he took from New York: If you can be emperor here, you can be emperor anywhere.

First Lady Melania Trump Receives 2020 Woman of Distinction Award.

First Lady Melania Trump was in Palm Beach, Florida, Wednesday to accept Palm Beach Atlantic University’s 2020 Woman of Distinction Award.
 “As the first lady of the United States, it is a great honor to serve the people of this incredible country”
https://theconservativetreehouse.com/2020/02/20/first-lady-melania-trump-receives-2020-woman-of-distinction-award/

The Atlantic Obviously Doesn’t Have Any Idea...

The Federalist


The Atlantic Obviously Doesn’t Have Any Idea ‘What It Means To Be A Man’

The Atlantic’s new cover story is just the latest installation in its long attack on manhood. But the author's findings don't support the existence of rampant toxic masculinity.

It’s no secret that many cultural elites condemn manhood (and boyhood) as a serious social problem that desperately needs to be fixed, if not nixed completely. For these folks, manhood itself is inherently cancerous. It’s gotten pretty darn predictable.

It should concern us all that the more these people use the phrase “toxic masculinity” as a fact, the more it gets cemented into the general consciousness. One will not be able to think about “masculinity” without remembering it is “toxic,” and we have largely reached that point.

This is an extremely troubling turn, and people of good will should resist it. Masculinity is a male quality. Machismo is its ugly, toxic twin. Describe any potential date to the average woman as strong, masculine, and in control, and she will not be turned off in the least. Masculinity is a desirable virtue to most women. But this obvious fact does not keep magazines such as The Atlantic from regularly slapping masculinity in the face.

The Atlantic’s January/February cover story is just the latest installation in its long attack on manhood, which is as annoying as a dripping faucet. The magazine has a whole cache of such articles over the last decade.

The Atlantic’s Masculinity Track Record

In June 2013, The Atlantic gave its readers an article on “The Discovery of What It Means to be a Man.” A hopeful title, but it goes nuts in the subtitle: “What I learned about the so-called ‘masculinity crisis’ as I transitioned from female to male.” How fortunate for male readers. A woman who believes she’s a male has special insights on how to be a man.

In June 2018, The Atlantic discussed the trouble of agreeing about what manhood actually is. No one in the discussion, however, was a legitimate fan of manhood. One expert noted, “Lots of men feel like they want to be on the right side of history here, but when they’re asking, ‘What can I do to be a good man?’ what they’re asking for is a recipe that will give them immunity from critique.”

Get it? To be on the “right side of history,” men have to be something other than what they are. Men and women will do well to accept that good men never apologize for being good men, and history doesn’t have a “right” side. It just is.

That same month, The Atlantic also warned that “Today’s Masculinity Is Stifling.” Of all the ways it could have addressed the topic, The Atlantic enlisted a male pretending to be a female giving advice to real dudes and the women who love them. But this article took a special turn, illustrated with this image of an adolescent boy considering whether wearing a dress might be right for him.

masculinity Atlantic
It’s largely a celebratory article on the author’s son deciding to wear, as she describes it, a “gray cotton sundress covered in doe-eyed unicorns with rainbow manes” to school. The Atlantic would like us to know that masculinity would be so much better and less stifling if people saw her son’s behavior as totally normal.

Mom, the problem is not masculinity. It’s you trying to make the world bend to your boy’s ill-advised whims. Beyond the ridiculousness of her boy wanting to wear a dress to school, she doesn’t seem to have any concerns that his print choice is so ridiculously stereotypical that few actual girls would choose it. If “Saturday Night Live” ever included a gender dysphoric male child in a skit, he would be draped in that exact dress.

2019 was a big year for man-bashing, and The Atlantic didn’t miss a moment of it. We had the infamous Gillette commercial, which blew up in the company’s face like Wile E. Coyote. The American Psychological Association (APA) condemned natural manhood as a psychological illness, explaining, “[T]raditional masculinity … is, on the whole, harmful,” a serious problem to be solved for everyone’s safety.

The organization was not shy nor measured in its condemnation of one whole half of humanity. And don’t miss the implication, ladies. You’re just too ignorant to realize that desiring traditionally masculine men will hurt you. You would be hard pressed to find a better example of arrogant patriarchy.

In January 2019, The Atlantic lauded this troubling statement from the APA. The following month, it gave readers an article with the hopeful title, “The Problem with a Fight Against Toxic Masculinity.” Perhaps it was finally going to offer a differing opinion on the matter. No such luck.

The article approvingly noted how the left has condemned traditional — thus toxic — masculinity for, get this, “rape, murder, mass shootings, gang violence, online trolling, climate change, Brexit, and the election of Donald Trump.” The Atlantic actually said this, but forgot to roll in increasing traffic gridlock, urban sprawl, rising prescription medicine prices, and delayed airline flights. Goodness.

In April of last year, The Atlantic published a laudatory article on a silly new book about boyhood, one that tells us all too predictably that the main problem with boyhood today is boyhood itself.

‘What It Means to Be a Man’

masculinity AtlanticNow this month’s Atlantic cover story promises to tell us: “What It Means to Be a Man.”

If by this point, you harbor suspicions about The Atlantic’s ability to deliver anything useful for regular folks on this important question, you will quickly be proven right. The entire article includes essentially no recommendation of anything both uniquely masculine and positive.

Other than the virtue of not being crude, a sexual predator, or an emotional closed casket, nothing in this article touches on anything that most women clearly recognize as manly and are looking for in a potential mate: a step-up guy of strength, leadership, handsomeness, valor, protection, or able to take control of a situation when problems arise. The word “gentleman” is nowhere to be found, nor any reference to its qualities.

How can that be? Of course, it’s found in the profound irony that many feminists resist being feminine and don’t care much for men being men. The double irony of radical feminism is it assumes women are best when they behave like men and that good men should act like women. The Atlantic fails to appreciate that feminism calls women to act in the same toxic ways for which it condemns men: unapologetically sexually aggressive, career-climbing, infertile, non-nurturing, emotional rocks who never cry in public.

What’s most egregious is the article highlights the worst of the worst male behavior — I can’t even relay the author’s examples here because they’re so vile, things 99.6 percent of men would readily condemn — and presents it as the male norm. It’s a contemptible approach to this subject. To attract the reader’s attention, the title page promises the article will explain, “Why boys crack up at rape ‘jokes,’ think having a girlfriend is ‘gay,’ and still can’t cry” and thus, “why we need to give them new and better models of masculinity,” as if it’s a common and uncontested fact.

Imagine a journalist taking this approach with any other group of people: young, black males as generally violent drug dealers and womanizers, their female peers as “welfare queens,” women as weaklings pining to be rescued by Prince Charming, gays as mongers for anonymous sex in public bathrooms, and Asians as academic over-achievers, slaves to constant parental pressure to never shame the family. Are these characterizations true for parts of each of these populations? Of course. But to define the group by any of these extremes is despicable. But Peggy Orenstein and The Atlantic do it proudly.

Orenstein Confesses Masculinity Isn’t Toxic

Curiously, and seemingly unawares, Orenstein refutes her overall thesis quite often throughout the story. Yes, the article is about bad, lost young men and how we need to guide them into greater sensitivity and gentleness. But in her more than 100 interviews with young men aged 16-21 of “all races and ethnicities” — really? Every ethnicity? — she confesses:
Nearly every guy I interviewed held relatively egalitarian views about girls, at least in their role in the public sphere. They considered their female classmates to be smart and competent, entitled to their place on the athletic field and in school leadership, deserving of their admission to college and of professional opportunities. They all had female friends; most had gay male friends as well.

This is her gateway into how bad things are in boyland. Very curious indeed. The items highlighted in the article’s teaser subtitle — laughing at rape jokes, having a girlfriend is “gay” — were stories of singular incidents, relayed second-hand. None of the boys she interviewed had actually done or said such things. She doesn’t indicate that any of them had said anything so disturbing during their interviews.

She laments that we are not allowing boys to be able to feel and process their emotions, demanding they keep them stoically walled off. She found that “girlfriends, mothers, and in some cases sisters were the most common confidants of the boys I met.” A good thing? Not at all. She condemns this fact for “teaching boys that women are responsible for emotional labor, for processing men’s emotional lives,” and she says it with all apparent seriousness. Boys can’t win for losing with this woman.

Real Masculinity Doesn’t Match the Media Narrative

Regarding male sexuality: Yes, Orenstein shows how these young men are hungry and interested in hooking up with female peers and will do so in the most forward and non-intimate of ways. Total opportunists. But she completely misses the same behavior in girls.

Nate, one of the interview subjects, is a major player in the article. According to his experience, “[I]f a girl wanted to hook up with you … and if you said yes, it was on.” The girl was the initiator. You waited for her green light, and the guy responded to her lead. He tells the story of a girl he did not know who came and sat on his lap at a party. She is the one who led him by the hand to a back bedroom. When she grew bored with his sexual naiveté, which he willingly confessed, she just walked out. Kinda stereotypically guy-like.

Nate adds, “[T]he stereotype is that guys go into gory detail, but it’s the other way around.” Yes, guys feel the pressure to join the “race for experience” sexually, but not necessarily for bragging rights. Many do so because of the girl’s advanced experience; they don’t want to be clueless. Nate explained it’s likely the girl the boy does hook-up with, “she’ll have hit it with, like, five guys already. Then she’s going to know how to do things” you don’t. Many girls today complain the boys are too sexually reticent for their tastes.

Even though the author bemoans the vast frontier of so-called toxic masculinity, the actual stories she gained by all her interviews indicate young men are not all misogynist lunkheads. For every story she tells of disgusting locker room talk about sexual conquests by one boy, another boy has told him to knock it off.

As I was reading the story, I imagined the author sitting at her computer, frustrated that her actual findings did not support her thesis and afraid her editor would be disappointed. Regardless, she dutifully stuck to the masculinity-is-inherently-bad party line over and against her actual findings.

Orenstein might have considered straying from her ideology and perhaps appreciated the complex nuances of this topic rather than working with only black and white extremes. She would have done well to talk to experts who actually believe masculinity is virtuous and worth teaching to boys. In light of #believewomen, she could have asked strong, confident women what qualities they seek in a mate. That is a very real, practical test of what manhood should be, as it does nothing less than determine whether humanity will continue.

But she wouldn’t have liked those answers either.

Glenn T. Stanton is a Federalist senior contributor who writes and speaks about family, gender, and art, is the director of family formation studies at Focus on the Family, and is the author of the brand new "The Myth of the Dying Church" (Worthy, 2019). He blogs at glenntstanton.com.

Issues with CDC Coronavirus test..

The Hill


Issues with CDC coronavirus test 
pose challenges for expanded screening


Expanded screening for the coronavirus has been postponed amid issues with a test developed by the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention (CDC).

Although the Trump administration had planned to expand screening to various state and local public health labs, only three of more than 100 such labs nationwide have verified the CDC’s test for use, Politico reported.

The CDC has also had to postpone its plans to screen samples collected during flu surveillance for the virus using public health labs in Chicago, New York, Los Angeles, San Francisco and Seattle. Former Food and Drug Administration (FDA) Commissioner Scott Gottlieb told the publication further delays could leave public health officials ill-equipped to detect scattered cases as they accumulate.

“By that point, it may be harder to contain spread, and we'll be forced to rely on mitigation tactics to just limit the impact of the virus," he told Politico.

One of the three reagents upon which the test hinges produced inconclusive results during a quality check, Kelly Wroblewski, director of infectious diseases at the American Association of Public Health Laboratories, told Politico.

The news comes after more than 20 Senate Democrats said in a letter that the Trump administration should put additional funds toward its response to the virus after the Department of Health and Human Services (HHS) warned it was running low.

“We strongly urge the administration to transmit an emergency supplemental request that ensures it can and will fully reimburse states for the costs they are incurring as part of this response,” they wrote in a letter to HHS Secretary Alex Azar and OMB Director Mick Mulvaney.

The virus has thus far been confirmed in more than 75,000 people and killed more than 2,100, with the vast majority of cases in China.

America’s Two Major Political Parties Are...

Reason

America's Two Major Political Parties Are Melting Down. 
But the Two-Party System Remains Strong.

Instead of destroying the political gatekeepers, we've merely handed the keys to the populists.


Meltdown
(Tampa Bay Times/ZUMA Press/Newscom) 


It is tempting to point and laugh—or at least chuckle a little bit—at the current, sad state of America's two largest political parties.

One has been consumed by a cult of personality built around a man who holds few of the ideological principles that, until recently, defined Republicanism. The other, if current odds are to believed, is heading towards a presidential nominating convention that will either crown a self-described socialist (who is not an actual member of the party) or descend into total chaos.

At this moment, national polls suggest that the most viable alternative to Sen. Bernie Sanders' (I-Vt.) promised revolution is the insurgent candidacy of another outsider: former New York City Mayor Michael Bloomberg, who may accurately be called a DINO—that's "Democrat-in-name-only," to repurpose a tea party era slur from the other side of the aisle.

Bloomberg is a billionaire—you know, the class of people whom Democrats have spent the last several years demagoguing against—with a history of supporting racist police tactics, donating to Republicans, and being downright Trumpian in his disregard for the rule of law, as New York Times columnist Ross Douthat highlighted last week.

Nothing is settled yet, of course, but it seems increasingly likely that the two-party system will produce a 2020 presidential general election featuring a rich Democrat-turned-Republican from New York City who admires authoritarians and has a long history of making disparaging remarks towards women running against a super-rich Republican-turned-Democrat from New York City who admires authoritarians and has a long history of making disparaging remarks towards women.

Or we could have the socialist who says having choices is overrated.

So, yes, it is easy to throw one's hands up and laugh at this selection of candidates. It is easier still to laugh at the failures of the supposed mainstream candidates who were supposed to stop them—the Marco Rubios, Ted Cruzes, Joe Bidens, and Elizabeth Warrens of the political world, all of whom spent years working their way through their respective party's system only to be bigfooted out of the way by a populist authoritarian of one variety or another.

If you're a libertarian, independent, or anyone else who operates outside and around the two major parties, this might seem like good news; like the two-party system is finally losing its grip on American politics.

But don't mistake the collapse of America's two preeminent political parties for the collapse of the two-party system itself. The latter is certainly welcome. But the former could easily lead us into a nightmare scenario where populism rules both parties and alternatives remain effectively sidelined by structural barriers erected during a previous era.

To understand why, it helps to first understand what's happened to the Republican and Democratic parties in the past few years. As political scientists from YaleMarquette, and elsewhere have been noting for a while, both major parties are relatively weak right now—that is, the party structures have less influence over their presidential nominating processes than they historically have.

There are many examples of how political parties have become more small-d democratic in recent decades, but perhaps the most relevant is the way that the large-d Democratic Party changed its rules after 2016. This year, Democratic Party insiders who play a role at the party's convention (colloquially referred to as "superdelegates") will not be allowed to vote on the first ballot in Milwaukee.

In other words, having just watched a political outsider hijack the Republican Party, and having narrowly escaped Sanders' surprise insurrection against Hillary Clinton—which was prevented, in part, by the influence of the superdelegates—the Democratic Party decided that the right thing to do was….make it easier for an outsider candidate to smash his way into the party.

Not being a partisan, I don't have much interest whether the internal apparatus of the Republican Party or Democratic Party is strong or weak. As Reason editor at large Nick Gillespie has approvingly noted, Trump and Sanders are burning the traditional Republican and Democratic establishments to the ground. Good riddance to them.

But what I'd hope to see from the hollowing out of the two major parties is the creation of an environment where a greater set of political ideas can flourish. That, so far at least, has not happened.

Even though both parties are weakening internally, they remain externally strong. Thanks to decades of self-serving rulemaking, the two major parties will continue to have a stranglehold on power long after they've been hollowed out by the populists.

Just look at what happened when populism in the form of Trumpism invaded the GOP. The result has been a more bizarre form of political conformity, in which allegiance to Trump's views and defense of his personal interests come before all else. Principled Republicans have mostly been forced out of the party or sidelined to a significant degree.

There's no reason to think the outcome of a populist takeover of the Democratic Party would be much different. And that, I suspect, is part of the reason why longtime establishment figures on the left, like James Carville, are freaking out about the prospect of a Sanders nomination.

Upending the two-party system has not created fertile ground for a greater range of political viewpoints to compete in elections. Instead of destroying the political gatekeepers, we've merely handed the keys to the populists.

There's been no groundswell of support for, say, reforming ballot access laws to let third parties have a more fair shot. The practical and structural barriers to the creation of new and different political parties remain roughly as sturdy as ever, and the media continues to cover politics as a two-way, zero-sum game, which only reinforces the idea that the only factions who matter are the ones currently controlling Team Red or Team Blue.

Indeed, if the two-party system itself was collapsing, Bloomberg would have entered the race as an independent. He's flirted with that idea for years. But when he finally decided to toss his hat into the ring, it made more sense—even for the 9th richest man in the world—to try to hijack the name, branding, and built-in advantages of one of the existing major parties.

When it comes to policymaking, the populist takeover doesn't seem to be accomplishing much good. Trump's version of the Republican Party has jettisoned whatever fiscal conservativism it might have possessed and has become increasingly hostile to the free movement of goods and people around the world. A Democratic Party with Sanders at the helm would try to run deficits to even higher highs and might be even more hostile to trade.

And no populist administration is going to tackle the entitlement programs that are the biggest driver of America's long-term budget issues, because doing so would be quite unpopular.

Instead of a broadening of political perspectives, we're already running full speed into a 2020 election cycle that will recycle the same tired arguments that force voters into a binary choice—"if you don't vote for Trump, you're helping elect Sanders!" The only difference is that both choices might be populist authoritarians this time around.

In short, whether Trump or Bloomberg have an "R" or a "D" next to their names hardly matters—all that matters, it seems, is that they have one of those letters.

MASSIVE IMPLICATIONS — President Trump Appoints Amb Grenell to acting Director of National Intelligence

The Swamp Panics


Lots to unpack here.  Maggie Haberman is warning resistance allies in the Senate to prepare all defensive weapons against a Trump appointment of Ric Grenell as  Director of the Office of National Intelligence (ODNI).
Grenell currently serves as the U.S. Ambassador to Germany.  He can serve as “acting” ODNI, but to become permanent ODNI he would need to survive confirmation railroading by the Senate Select Committee on Intelligence (SSCI), Chairman Richard Burr and Vice Chair Mark Warner.  The SSCI is deep swamp and and participated in the coup effort against the office of the president.  The SSCI has a vested interest in controlling the ODNI position; hence their prior blocking of Representative John Ratcliffe.

[Via New York Times] … Mr. Grenell, whose outspokenness throughout his career as a political operative and then as ambassador has prompted criticism, is a vocal Trump loyalist who will lead a group of national security agencies often viewed skeptically by the White House.
He would take over from Joseph Maguire, who has served as the acting director of national intelligence since the resignation last summer of Dan Coats, a former Republican senator from Indiana. Mr. Grenell, who has pushed to advance gay rights in his current post, would apparently also be the first openly gay cabinet member.
Mr. Grenell did not respond to a request for comment, nor did a White House spokesman. The people familiar with the move cautioned that the president had a history of changing his mind on personnel decisions after they were revealed in the news media.
[…]  Under American law, Mr. Maguire had to give up his temporary role before March 12. He could return to his old job as director of the National Counterterrorism Center, but he might choose to step down from government.
Mr. Trump can choose any Senate-confirmed official to replace Mr. Maguire as the acting head of the nation’s 17 intelligence agencies.
[…] [Grenell’s] confirmation by the Senate is not assured, one reason the president intents to name him acting director, rather than formally nominating him for the job. (read more)


On May 23, 2019, President Trump granted current U.S. Attorney General Bill Barr with essentially the same intelligence review capabilities as the ODNI in an effort to empower the AG to bring sunlight upon intelligence community corruption.   Unfortunately, AG Barr did nothing with the power granted by the president.

The appointment of Grenell can be looked at as President Trump trying to cut the Gordian knot that exists due to a myriad of self-interests deep inside the intelligence apparatus.

The SSCI will not allow any ODNI office member to expose their corrupt intelligence operations.  Recently Oklahoma Senator James Lankford quietly quit the SSCI. It has been speculated that Lankford left the committee due to rank corruption and their ongoing plans to hide prior abuses.   Mitch McConnell selected Senator Ben Sasse to replace Lankford to retain and achieve the continued objectives of the committee.

The *tell* will be to watch how members of
the SSCI respond to the Grenell appointment.

This could become ugly.




Revenge Against the Deplorables

National Review


Revenge against the Deplorables

Michael Bloomberg hosts a kick off for “United for Mike” in Miami, Fla., January 26, 2020. (Maria Alejandra Cardona/Reuters)
Michael Bloomberg’s campaign doubles down on elite technocracy.

One of the theories behind the Bernie Sanders campaign, one often shared by his more devoted fans in the media, is that Democrats lost voters to Donald Trump in 2016 because they had ceased to talk about the economic issues that matter to those voters. Hadn’t Obama also shared his concern about trade deals and signaled his loyalty to the auto industry? Well, when Democrats stopped attacking the rich, they stopped broadcasting a signal of loyalty to workers. Democrats allowed Trump to talk about jobs more than they did.

These people acknowledge that one of the problems with Hillary Clinton’s candidacy is that she was unabashedly tied to the elite. Goldman Sachs paid her to speak to them. So did other financial institutions. Meanwhile, Donald Trump’s presidency was feared by the well-to-do. Clinton claimed that the part of America she won represented “two-thirds of America’s gross domestic product.” And, so the Bernie-fans say, without giving up our progressive goals, we should go back to talking about the middle class, jobs, and health care and win again. We need to stop litigating who is deplorable.

The psychological appeal of the Mike Bloomberg campaign, on the other hand, is that it doesn’t try to win back some deplorables, but to call them out as losers and punish them. The message is that Trump’s opponents have nothing for which they should apologize. Floating the possibility of Hillary Clinton his running mate was the perfect signal from Mike Bloomberg to her supporters: Join me and avenge 2016.

The Mike Bloomberg theory of winning is a theory of elite self-assertion. He’s the real billionaire who built a business from scratch. He’s the real executive who ran a business for profit, not for television. He’s the real philanthropist. And he’ll defeat Trump’s earned media spectacles with paid-for professional media advertising — whether it is Super Bowl ads, or memes from the most popular Instagram accounts.

Bloomberg is going to be the real expert on everything. This does have an appeal to the kind of liberal who shared viral images about seceding from “Jesusland” after the 2004 election, the kind of person who thinks smartand informed almost exhaustively define good.

For Bloomberg, constitutional rights like the Second Amendment aren’t any more relevant than powdered wigs and can be dismissed with a simple, “C’mon, let’s get real.” At some point, Bloomberg becomes the type of New York City blowhard who, the minute he finds himself upstate, can’t stop blabbing about how he and everyone productive in the big city pay all the state taxes so that everyone he’s passing by in his black SUV can work for the local county and test each other’s water. It’s a serene confidence, and supreme self-esteem married to pig ignorance about the other half.

He approaches everything with an Olympian condescension. When discussing his efforts at passing gun-control legislation across the U.S., he implied that Colorado Springs and Pueblo are places so rural, “I don’t think there’s roads.” Colorado Springs is one of the most important industrial cities in America and rapidly growing as a hub of IT talent.

But Bloomberg knows everything. “I could teach anybody, even people in this room, no offense intended, to be a farmer,” he once said to the University of Oxford Saïd Business School. “It’s a process. You dig a hole, you put a seed in, you put dirt on top, add water, up comes the corn.” He said it didn’t take much “grey matter” to do this. At the same event he seemed to concede that modern economies do need to find a way to provide the non-Oxford type “the dignity of a job,” otherwise people would “set up the guillotines someday.” Bloomberg also knows which cancer patients deserve medical care, and which ones don’t.

Bloomberg sometimes says things that gentry liberals aren’t supposed to say out loud. For instance, that crime control is just a matter of throwing young non-white men against walls and searching them. Or that the fatties need to be taught a lesson by government. On the regressivity of his soda taxes, Bloomberg was proud: “That’s the good thing about them,” he said, “because the problem is in people that don’t have a lot of money. And so, higher taxes should have a bigger impact on their behavior and how they deal with themselves.”

Bernie Sanders has at least conceded that some portion of the Senate’s filibuster should be preserved to allow some minority power of veto. But Bloomberg’s ideal of governance is proudly authoritarian. “Far and away, you should give more powers to the executive branch if you want progress,” he told one audience.

The ten wealthiest districts in the country are represented by Democrats. Mike is just one of the latest wealthy guys to make the switch.  He is the candidate for people who are in no mood to mollify the masses, who think smart and informed leadership needs to be liberated from legislatures and constitutions, and who think that Colorado Springs is just another part of an undifferentiated hickville: needful of gun control, diet advice, and, sure, a few jobs — so they don’t behead the winners.


Did Russia Really Intefere in the 2016 Election?

In June 2016, The Washington Post reported that the Democratic National Committee’s computer network had been hacked, allowing access to email and chat transcripts, as well as files detailing research on GOP presidential candidate Donald Trump.
This was reported about a month before the hacked files were released, shortly before the Democratic convention began. As The Post reported at the time, the likely culprits had already been identified as Russian — not by the government but by an outside firm called CrowdStrike.
Interestingly enough Crowstrike confirms it was Russian, yet Crowdstrike is backed by Ukrainians who hate the Russians. Notice two things:
1. No where is proof provded that our principle intelligence agencies have done forensic evidence to prove Crowdstrike is right, and,
2. The Washington Post references a Vice article (July 25, 2016) as proof which essentially parrots what the Washington Post has written in their article (July 6, 2016) 
Now, in October 2016 our intelligence agencies issue this public statement:
The Office of the Director of National Intelligence and the Department of Homeland Security issued an unusual public statement.
“The U.S. Intelligence Community (USIC) is confident that the Russian Government directed the recent compromises of emails from US persons and institutions, including from US political organizations,” the statement read. “The recent disclosures of alleged hacked e-mails on sites like DCLeaks.com and WikiLeaks and by the Guccifer 2.0 online persona are consistent with the methods and motivations of Russian-directed efforts. These thefts and disclosures are intended to interfere with the US election process.”
Notice no proof just "we say it, so it is true"  Again, no true forensic evidence has been done or presented.
I have spent a rather inordinate amount of time researching this issue, I have even read everything issued by our Government on their media boards and strangely they parrot what I read in the Washington Post, NewYork Times, Huffington Post and Vice.
Now folks, I am not a Conspiracy Theorist, but this smells. Think about this, if you were President Trump sitting in the Oval Office being fed the pabluum these Intelligence Bureaucrats are feeding you, would you begin to doubt them?
I know I would.
“The Obama administration’s politicized intelligence community promoted the story of collusion between the Trump campaign and the Russians to influence the 2016 presidential election but refuses to release any concrete evidence,” said Judicial Watch President Tom Fitton.  “The Deep State intelligence establishment continues to be in a cover-up mode on Russia.  This illegal secrecy seems designed to protect the Obama/Clinton administration and to undermine the Trump administration.  President Trump may want to ask his appointees what they are hiding about Russia.”
I do not trust anything I see coming from the Bureaucracy in Washingon DC because I simply do not believe them.
What Say You?