Article by Jonathon Van Maren in "Life Site News":
Only a few years ago, the aggressive “New Atheist” movement was on the march, with rhetorical brawlers like Christopher Hitchens
and renowned biologists like Richard Dawkins leading the charge against
religion and the last vestiges of Christian faith in the West.
Religion, Hitchens famously stated, “poisons everything,” and could only
be considered, at best, humanity’s “first and worst” attempt to solve
existential questions. If these cobwebbed superstitions could be blasted
away by the refreshing winds of reason and the Enlightenment, a
fundamentally better society would rise from the ashes—or so the
thinking went.
But as Christianity fades further and further into our civilization’s
rear-view mirror, many intelligent atheists are beginning to realize
that the Enlightenment may have only achieved success because it wielded
influence on a Christian culture. In a truly secular society, in which
men and women live their lives beneath empty heavens and expect to be
recycled rather than resurrected, there is no solid moral foundation for
good and evil. Anti-theists like Christopher Hitchens mocked and
reviled the idea that mankind needed God to know right from wrong, but
scarcely two generations into our Great Secularization and we no longer
even know male from female.
It would be interesting to know how the late Hitchens would have
responded to the insanities that have proliferated since his passing,
and whether he would have come to realize, as some of his similarly
godless friends have, that one does not need to find Christianity
believable to realize that it is necessary. Douglas Murray, who has
taken to occasionally calling himself a “Christian atheist,” has publicly argued with Hitchens’ fellow “Horseman of the Apocalypse” Sam Harris over whether a society based on Enlightenment values is even possible without Christianity. Harris holds out hope that such a society is possible. Murray is sympathetic, but skeptical.
Increasingly, Murray admitted, he believes the atheist project to be a hopeless one. When he joined me on my show recently to discuss his latest book The Madness of Crowds,
he reiterated that he believes that in the absence of the secularist’s
ability to hammer out ethics on fundamental issues such as the sanctity
of life, we may be forced to recognize that returning to faith is the
best option available to us. There is a very real possibility, he noted,
that our modern concept of human rights, based as it is on a
Judeo-Christian foundation, may very well outlive Christianity by only a
few short years. Cut off from the source, our conception of human
rights may shrivel and die very quickly, leaving us fumbling about in a
thick and impenetrable darkness.
Without the Christian underpinnings of our society, it will be up to
us to decide what is right and wrong, and as our current culture wars
clearly illustrate, our civilization will tear itself apart before it
regains consensus. Many optimistic atheists recently believed that once
God was dethroned and banished, we could finally live as adults and get
on with the utopian project of creating a society based on faith in ourselves.
These skeptics were unfortunately skeptical about everything except the
goodness of humanity, despite the fact that they had no metaphysical or
even Darwinian basis for this easily disprovable assumption. Jordan
Peterson’s phenomenal popularity is partially based on his recognition
that people are not generally good, and that the past century proves
this with the blood of millions.
It is the abject failure of this thesis that is leading some
prominent atheists to begrudgingly admit that perhaps Christianity was
more necessary than they thought. As recently as 2015, Richard Dawkins
(author of The God Delusion) was arguing that children needed
to be protected from the religious views of their parents, and made a
series of alarming comments regarding the rights of parents to educate
their children in the tenets of their religious faith. By 2018, however,
Dawkins was warning that the “benign Christian religion” might be replaced by something decidedly less
benign, and that perhaps we should take a step back to discuss what
might happen if the evangelical secularists are successful in destroying
or banishing Christianity. Other atheists and agnostics, from Bill
Maher to Ayaan Hirsi Ali, have echoed Dawkins’ sentiments. This is a
radical shift in only a handful of years—and the fact that atheists are sounding the alarm should be a warning to Christians about the consequences of our ongoing secularization.
Dawkins has now come out and repudiated his previous belief that
Christianity should be banished from society even more firmly. In fact,
he told The Times,
ending religion—once his fervent goal—would be a terrible idea, because
it would “give people a license to do really bad things.” Despite the
fact that Dawkins has long argued that the very idea of the God of the
Bible being necessary as a basis for morality is both ridiculous and
offensive, he appears to be backtracking. “People may feel free to do
bad things because they feel God is no longer watching them,” he said,
citing the example of security cameras as a deterrent to shoplifting.
One wonders if he has heard Douglas Murray remind people that the
Soviets murdered their millions in the firm belief that there was no
Judge waiting for them when the killing was over.
Dawkins discusses these ideas further in his latest book, Outgrowing God.
“Whether irrational or not, it does, unfortunately, seem plausible
that, if somebody sincerely believes God is watching his every move, he
might be more likely to be good,” he confessed begrudgingly. “I must say
that I hate that idea. I want to believe that humans are better than
that. I’d like to believe I’m honest whether anyone is watching or not.”
While this realization is not a good enough reason for him to
believe in God, Dawkins says, he now realizes that the affirmation of
God’s existence does benefit society. For example, Dawkins admitted, “It
might bring the crime right down.”
Dawkins’ conversion to the belief that Christianity is good—and
perhaps even necessary—for Western civilization to function in harmony
is nothing short of mind boggling. Dawkins has been one of secularism’s
most intolerant fundamentalists, a man who believed that parents should
be denied the right to pass on their faith and that the government
should actively side with the godless over the faithful. In a few short
years, he is changing his tune. Human beings, he seems to have
recognized, cannot be counted on to be automatically good and to operate
in the spirit of harmony and solidarity that he and his fellow New
Atheists treasure. And absent the inherent goodness of humanity, how can
we count on people not to tear apart a civilization built by men and
women of faith?
The answer is a simple one: We need God.
https://www.lifesitenews.com/blogs/atheists-sound-the-alarm-decline-of-christianity-is-seriously-hurting-society
Richard Dawkins
The constitutional power to impeach a duly elected president was intended by the Framers of the Constitution as a neutral, non-partisan tool of last resort to be used against only criminal incumbents in extreme cases. Pictured: Scene at the Signing of the Constitution of the United States, oil on canvas, by Howard Chandler Christy, 1940. (Image source: The Indian Reporter/Wikimedia Commons)
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The constitutional power to impeach a duly elected president was intended by the Framers of the Constitution as a neutral, non-partisan tool of last resort to be used against only criminal incumbents in extreme cases. It is now being deployed as a partisan weapon that can be used routinely against presidents of a different party from those who control the House of Representatives.
Under the views of some members of Congress, any time the House is controlled by one party, a simple majority can properly vote to impeach. As Congresswoman Maxine Waters put it: "Impeachment is about whatever the Congress says it is. There is no law." She is wrong. The Constitution is the law and she is not above it.
The recent partisan misuse of this emergency power began with the impeachment of former President William Jefferson Clinton by the Republican-controlled House in 1998. Clinton did not commit an impeachable offense, even if he feloniously lied under oath about his sex life. Such perjury, if it occurred, would satisfy the definition of a "crime," but not meet the required Constitutional criteria of a "high crime and misdemeanor." If President Clinton committed a crime, it would be a low crime related to his sex life and comparable to the low felonies — adultery and paying off an extortionist — committed by Alexander Hamilton when he was Secretary of the Treasury. Had Hamilton payed the extortionist from Treasury funds, as he was falsely accused of doing, he would have been guilty of an impeachable high crime.
To be impeached, a president must commit a crime (misdemeanor is a species of crime) and the commission of that crime must also constitute an abuse of office. An abuse of office without an underlying crime is a political sin, but not an impeachable offense.
This very issue was debated at the Constitutional Convention, where one delegate proposed "maladministration" as the criteria for impeachment and removal of a president. James Madison, the Father of our Constitution, strongly objected on the ground that so vague and open-ended a criterion would have the president serve at the will of Congress and turn us from a Republic with a strong president into a parliamentary democracy in which the chief executive can be removed by a simple vote of no confidence. Instead, the Convention adopted strict prerequisites for impeachment: treason, bribery or other high crimes and misdemeanors. The House is no more empowered to substitute its own criteria for those enumerated in the Constitution than the Senate would be to change the 2/3 vote requirement for removal to a simple majority or a 3/5 super majority. Congress is not above the law. It is bound by what the Framers accepted and cannot now apply the criterion the framers explicitly rejected.
Those who characterize the impeachment and removal process as completely political are wrong as a matter of constitutional law, even if they are right in describing the reality of how it is being currently misused. Advocates of this view misquote Hamilton in Federalist #65.
Hamilton did characterize the criteria for impeachment as "political," but only in the sense that they relate to "injuries done immediately to the society itself." He then immediately rejected the view that the process should be partisan, based on "the comparative strength of parties," rather than on "the real demonstrations of innocence or guilt." He called that the "greatest danger" and demanded "neutrality toward those whose conduct may be the subject of scrutiny." Those who misquote and misunderstand Hamilton wrongly conflate the words "political," by which he meant governmental, and "partisan, " by which he meant related to the comparative strength of parties and factions.
It is difficult to imagine a greater breach of Hamilton's principles than the recent House vote along party lines (with two exceptions, both opposing impeachment) to open a formal impeachment investigation against President Trump. The vote was determined exclusively by the "comparative strength of parties," as was the vote to impeach President Bill Clinton two decades ago.
A partisan House vote to impeach President Trump, followed by a partisan Senate vote to acquit him, would not only hurt the Democratic Party — as the votes in the Clinton case hurt the Republican Party — it would damage our constitution and further polarize our already divided nation.
Most important, misusing the impeachment power in a partisan manner would pose, in the words of Hamilton, "the greatest danger" to our Constitution.
Alan M. Dershowitz is the Felix Frankfurter Professor of Law Emeritus at Harvard Law School and author of The Case Against the Democratic House Impeaching Trump, Skyhorse Publishing, 2019.