Thursday, October 10, 2019

Democrats turning California into...

Democrats turning California into 

a third-world hellhole: Going without electricity edition


Democrats are turning California into a third-world hellhole without electricity, water, and freedom.

Due to Democrats' love for trees, at least 800,000 Californians will be without power for several days.  Instead of properly managing California forests to reduce the chances of big fires, Democrats are saying Californians have to go without lights, refrigerators, and air-conditioning.  Democrats could also avoid this by not making the power company financially liable for all forest fire damages, but since PG&E is a company, not an illegal alien, the Democrats couldn't care less about doing what's best for California.

While they try to blame climate change and the infrastructure, the reality is that neither of those has caused any significant changes in the last ten years — but now, suddenly, due to Democrat policies, Californians have to start living in the 18th century.

The Democrats who run California also refuse to build more water storage capacity even though the state's population has dramatically increased, ensuring that water has to be rationed during droughts.

Democrats are turning California into a third-world country economically.  The income inequality between the über-rich Silicon Valley workers and the rest of Californians is huge, just like in third-world countries, while the elites live in luxury and the rest live in squalor. 

Democrats are doing a great job manufacturing poverty and homelessness even as they fail to instill hope in Californians.

California has four times more homeless per capita and three times more poor per capita than the rest of America.  Half the homeless in America are in California, even though California has only 12% of the U.S. population.  Also, blacks are six times more prevalent in the San Francisco homeless population than they are in California in general.

The homeless explosion has brought the return of third-world diseases like typhus to California — not to mention streets littered with human feces.

Democrats are trying to keep people from having cars, just like the people of the Third World.  After all, a car gives people the freedom to move, and freedom is a bad thing in the minds of Democrats since it limits the power the government has over citizens.

Recently, Gavin Newsom, the Democrat governor, transferred millions of dollars that the voters had been ensured would go to improve the state's failing road infrastructure to a fund designed to convince Californians to give up their cars.

Democrats are also working to make cars unaffordable for any but the richest Californians.

Californians pay $1.53 more for a gallon for gasoline than the rest of America.  That's $21 more for a tank of gasoline.  Facebook employees won't notice it, but the poor in California who can't afford to live near their jobs are paying through the teeth.

Like all third-world tyrants, Democrats are doing everything they can to eliminate democracy in California.

The jungle primary, where the top two candidates in the primaries go against each other, has resulted in many races where two Democrats are running against each other, giving voters who don't agree with the Democrats' failed policies no one to vote for.

California is doing nothing to ensure that people who shouldn't vote don't vote.  Instead, the people running the state are doing everything possible to let illegal aliens vote.  When illegal aliens go pick up their driver's licenses, they're automatically enrolled to vote unless they say they're not citizens.

California is also trying to end democracy by keeping the Republican presidential candidate off the ballot.  Democrats passed an unconstitutional law to keep any candidate who didn't release his tax returns off the ballot solely to keep Californians from voting for Trump.

Finally, the Democrats are going after freedom of the press.  An undercover journalist revealed that Planned Parenthood was selling aborted baby parts.  Instead of investigating that illegal practice, Democrat Kamala Harris decided to put the journalist on trial.

Democrats keep telling us California is the future if they get elected.  That means that poverty, homelessness, the end of democracy, and a press that reports only what Democrats want heard are what Democrats are promising us.

If you're an immensely wealthy Google employee, California is Heaven.  If you're not, it's becoming more and more like Hell.

You can read more of Tom's rants at his blog, Conversations about the obvious, and feel free to follow him on Twitter.

Schoolgirl Arrested, Charged with Felony


Kansas Schoolgirl Arrested, Charged with Felony for Brandishing Finger Gun



One of the nice things about a moral panic is that it frees up individuals from responsibility for their own actions. If everybody's panicked about some supposed social ill, it's okay to do very silly things because you're just trying to protect people. Whether the boogeyman is global warming, or explicit song lyrics, or violent video games, or whatever else you're convinced is dangerous, your righteous indignation is justifiable. And if it's about guns? Dude, panicking about guns is pretty much mandatory. They don't even need to be real guns. These days you can freak out about toy guns, bubble guns, cookies in the shape of guns... even finger guns! The important thing is that you're protecting the children.

A 12-year-old Overland Park girl formed a gun with her fingers, pointed at four of her Westridge Middle School classmates one at a time, and then turned the pretend weapon toward herself.
Police hauled her out of school in handcuffs, arrested her and charged the child with a felony for threatening...
According to Johnson County District Court documents, on Sept. 18, the girl “unlawfully and feloniously communicated a threat to commit violence, with the intent to place another, in fear, or with the intent to cause the evacuation, lock down or disruption in regular, ongoing activities...”
A person familiar with a more detailed incident report spoke to The Staron condition of anonymity. The person said that during a class discussion, another student asked the girl, if she could kill five people in the class, who would they be? In response, the girl allegedly pointed her finger pistol — like the ones many children use playing cops and robbers.

That's a big no-no. The first rule of gun safety is to treat every gun like it's loaded, even the one that's literally just your thumb and forefinger.

Seriously, though, how is this a police matter? It's a 12-year-old girl, armed with nothing but her finger. Are we going to force kids to wear mittens year-round so they don't accidentally shoot somebody?

Hat tip to Cam Edwards, who points out that a couple of kids recently brought real guns to school in the same district but weren't charged with a felony. If finger guns are outlawed, only outlaws will have finger guns.

What’s next if...

What's next 

if Donald Trump is impeached and re-elected 


It’s looking more likely by the day that President Trump will be impeached by the House for his dealings with Ukraine. But if he is acquitted by the Senate — and then goes on to win a second term — Democrats will face a predicament neither party has confronted in U.S. history.

Why it matters: If Trump survives politically and is re-elected to serve another four years, Congress likely would have nowhere left to go in the event of another scandal, legal and political experts say — not because the House couldn’t impeach him again, but because it might be politically impossible to do so.
  • That’s why we’re headed into such uncharted territory. Democrats know they probably only get one shot at using impeachment to remove him from office.

  • Never before have we had a president who might be in a position to be re-elected after impeachment. Andrew Johnson wasn’t nominated for another term, Bill Clinton was already in his second term, and Richard Nixon resigned in his second term in the face of certain impeachment.

Could the House just impeach him again if there's a second-term scandal? Technically, it can do whatever it wants, legal experts tell us. There’s nothing stopping it from bringing up new articles of impeachment if there’s another scandal — or even on the same issue all over again.
  • "The constitutional answer is that there's no prohibition against impeaching the president multiple times," said Frank Bowman, a law professor at the University of Missouri and author of "High Crimes and Misdemeanors: A History of Impeachment for the Age of Trump."

  • “There is almost certainly NOT a barrier to a second impeachment, even for the exact same conduct,” much less “a second impeachment for a different offense,” Paul Rosenzweig, a former senior counsel to Kenneth Starr in the Whitewater investigation of Clinton, wrote in an email.

Politically, though, no one believes House Democrats would want to go through it again.
  • A second impeachment would risk “a political blowback in the midterm elections if Democrats are seen as nothing but a political party that wants to railroad, witch hunt, whatever you want to call it, this president,” said Jim Robenalt, an Ohio-based lawyer who created a continuing legal education program with former White House counsel John Dean about Watergate.

  • Robenalt also said Trump's dealings with Ukraine are at the heart of the kind of behavior the nation's founders wanted to remedy when they created impeachment: "It's as core as core gets in terms of impeachable conduct."

  • “The cold, hard political reality is that it would be very hard for the House ever to try to take another bite at the apple,” said Jim Manley, a former aide to Senate Majority Leader Harry Reid.

  • There is one unlikely scenario that could change Democrats' calculations: If Trump won re-election but Republicans lost their majority in the Senate, making the threshold for conviction on impeachment theoretically easier.

What they're saying: A House leadership aide said it's a "ridiculous" premise and no one is gaming out a second impeachment — or even a first, other than the inquiry stage they're now in.
  • The aide said Dems are focused on finding out what happened with Trump and Ukraine and there are no strategic discussions happening about articles of impeachment, much less gaming out what might happen down the road if the president were re-elected.

  • That would be like "planning your wedding before you've found the guy," the aide said.

  • White House officials declined to comment.

That’s not to say the re-election of an impeached president is the most likely outcome. No one knows for sure, and Trump’s polling against the Democratic front-runners isn’t exactly strong.
  • But it’s not impossible if the impeachment fight energizes Trump voters — and if battleground state voters get turned off by the 2020 Democrats’ left turn.

  • And although Trump doesn’t want impeachment to define his place in history, as Axios’ Jonathan Swan and Alayna Treene have reported, that doesn’t mean he’s worried about losing in 2020 because of it.
The bottom line: 
By using the ultimate congressional power against Trump now, Democrats could be out of options if they have to face Trump for another four years.


Democrats Keep Changing The Rules

Democrats Keep Changing 

The Rules Of Impeachment



In the Trump era, norms are malleable.


When Barack Obama’s Attorney General Eric Holder ignored congressional subpoenas in an investigation into a scandal featuring a body count, White House Spokesperson Dan Pfeiffer argued that administration officials had no duty to participate in what amounted to “political theater rather than legitimate congressional oversight.”

So does the White House get to decide what constitutes a legitimate congressional investigation? Or is it only Democrats who make this determination? Since Pfeiffer now argues that an administration that ignores congressional subpoenas is functioning “above the law”—surely an impeachable offense—I can only imagine the latter.

Now, impeachment is political option that should be dusted off far more frequently. It’s a shame House Republicans never used this remedy during the scandal-plagued Obama years. The country, though, needs some consistent standards, or all we have is theater.

For instance, knowing that the Republican-controlled Senate is unlikely to remove the president over his reckless call with Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelensky, House Speaker Nancy Pelosi is doing her best to maximize the political impact of a nebulous “inquiry.”

Part of this political effort means delaying a full House vote, which would likely result in the judiciary committee laying out ground rules and procedures moving forward. This was the bipartisan process used during both Clinton and Nixon sagas.

Now we have a new set of rules.

Perhaps Pelosi is looking to solidify a vote total, or maybe she’s trying to protect members in swing districts, or, most likely, she’s waiting for the most politically opportune time to move forward. All of that is her prerogative. They are also political considerations, despite all the distraught coverage, not decisions predicated on protecting the integrity of process or Congress or the Constitution. Let’s face it, the notion that progressives are concerned about process is risible.

The non-vote, however, allows the House Intelligence Committee to shower subpoenas on the White House and create the impression, through the innuendo of activity, that Trump’s call with Zelensky was not merely a high crime (highly debatable) but the tip of widespread conspiracy (less debatable).

The non-vote allows hyper-partisans like Rep. Adam Schiff to keep testimony secret when useful, selectively sharing useful snippets of evidence with media allies who then dutifully curate all the leaks into a useful political narrative. After two years, and dozens of misleading stories fueling Russia collusion coverage, former special counsel Robert Mueller ultimately debunked Schiff’s core contention. With Ukraine, the congressman only needs to propel his production into November 2020.

Pelosi’s delay also allows Democrats to shield the name of the intelligence whistleblower. I bet Linda Tripp wishes she had been so lucky. No, this isn’t a criminal trial, but you suspect many voters who are okay with a hypothetical impeachment would regard the act of facing an accuser a matter of fundamental fairness.

Even if the name isn’t shared with the public, it should be shared with congressional Republicans. There’s every reason to be wary of politically motivated players in the government. House Democrats can gin-up the melodrama, suggesting the person, facing moral danger, testify from a remote location with an obscured appearance and voice like a Mafia informant. But as the Wall Street Journal editorial board points out:
The whistleblower statute is intended to protect individuals against reprisal at work. It isn’t supposed to provide immunity from public scrutiny about claims aimed at ousting a President. We wonder if the goal here is to protect the whistleblower or prevent the American people from learning something that might cast doubt on his accusations.

It’s fair to wonder. Whistleblowing is an important tool of good government. Yet not all whistleblowers are chaste do-gooders. We know that this one met with Schiff’s office for guidance before filing his report (although we still don’t know how helpful the congressman was) and that Schiff lied about that meeting. The whistleblower also reportedly had“some type of professional relationship” with a 2020 Democratic Party candidate that could, potentially, benefit from an impeachment.

None of these factors mean the whistleblower’s contentions should be summarily dismissed, but they’re all pertinent. What if, for instance, we learn that the whistleblower worked for Joe Biden? Most media have decreed that any questions about the Biden’s family extraordinarily fortuitous foreign business dealings are nothing but conspiracies, even though those charges are at the center of the phone call that is the current impetus for impeachment. Seems pertinent.

It also seems likely we are going to find all this out. At some point, Pelosi will have to turn the key. Considering the potential backlash for inaction, it seems unthinkable at this point that she won’t. And Trump, like Pelosi, will be making his own political considerations.

Because though it might be a great surprise to those covering the impeachment story, history didn’t begin in 2016, and the executive and legislative branches have always been at war

Simply because Democrats keep changing the rules doesn’t mean Republicans have to play along.

David Harsanyi is a Senior Editor at The Federalist. He is the author of First Freedom: A Ride Through America's Enduring History with the Gun, From the Revolution to TodayFollow him on Twitter.


6 Ways The Salem Witch Trials Were More Fair

6 Ways The Salem Witch Trials Were 

Fairer Than Democrats’ Impeachment Inquiry


Witches in 1692 knew exactly what law they stood accused of violating because New England witch hunters respected due process more than Adam Schiff and Nancy Pelosi do.
Attorney Greg Jarrett recently wrote, “It is Pelosi and Schiff who are abusing the power of impeachment in their latest ‘witch hunt.’” This is wildly historically inaccurate. Jarrett should immediately apologize to the memory of the prosecutors of the 17th-century Massachusetts witch trials.

This is because House Speaker Nancy Pelosi and Rep. Adam Schiff are currently running their Ukraine impeachment farce with far less due process than the superstitious and backwards legal system offered the “witches” of Salem.

Below are a few examples of how Jarrett has unfairly slandered the jurisprudence of 17th-century Massachusetts.

1. The Right to Be Informed of the Nature of an Accusation

In 1692, the “witches” were tried under the Witchcraft Act of 1604, or, in long-form, “An Act Against Conjuration, Witchcraft and Dealing with Evil and Wicked Spirits,” a felony. Then-President Nixon stood accused of “payment of substantial sums of money for the purpose of obtaining the silence or influencing the testimony of witnesses,” in violation of federal witness tampering statutes. President Bill Clinton stood accused of perjury, lying under oath.

What law is President Trump accused of violating during the Ukraine phone call? The accusations against Trump are far vaguer and never seem to relate to any statute, law, or provision of the Constitution. What little explanation there is for the “law” the president broke is extremely vague.

One fanciful theory is that the president violated 52 U.S.C. §30121prohibiting a candidate from “soliciting” from a foreign entity a “thing of value” (meaning dirt on a political opponent) in connection with a federal election. This is the same ridiculous argument that was made in the Russia collusion hoax when Donald Trump Jr. supposedly solicited Russians for dirt on Clinton (never mind the “Russians” were in partnership with the firm Clinton hired to frame Trump).

That argument failed in the Russia hoax for the same reason it’s wrong now: Asking for information is never a “thing of value” for purposes of election law.
Witches in 1692 knew exactly what law they stood accused of violating because New England witch hunters respected this principle of due process more than Schiff and Pelosi do. The president’s counsel noted this deficiency in this letter, indicating that among the many unfair aspects of the procedures, the committee failed to observe “the right to be informed of the law of the charges against you.”

2. The Right to Public Hearings

We have reason to believe the witch prosecutors held public trials because a man by the name of Cotton Mather recorded accounts of many of the trials. In contrast, as noted by the Wall Street Journal, Schiff is attempting to conduct “secret” hearings to cherry-pick and leak evidence (often with much exaggeration).

Schiff used a similar technique during the Russia collusion hoax, claiming(falsely) that he had seen direct (but secret) evidence that the president colluded with Russians. It’s highly problematic when the chairman of the House intelligence committee smears the president by making a non-factual claim about secret intelligence.

3. The Right to Confront and Cross-Examine Witnesses

It’s not clear that the accused witches ever had the chance to cross-examine their accusers. So on that front, Jarrett’s comparison might be appropriate. However, the historical record indicates that the accused were present during the trial and given the opportunity to listen to what was being said about them.

In contrast, Schiff is running a sort of kangaroo court in which the public is only allowed to hear third-hand accounts of secret witnesses. The identity of both leakers remains secret even as their allegations are being aired in the public. Again, Schiff is using procedures that witch hunters in the 1600s would consider unfair.

Other complaints include: Denying witnesses the right to counsel, denying the president the opportunity to be represented by an attorney at the proceedings, and denial of the right of the minority to cross-examine witnesses or call their own witnesses.

4. A Legal Predicate

History records that when an individual was accused of witchcraft, her case would be heard by a duly appointed local magistrate with jurisdiction. Later, the colony governor authorized a specially created Court of Oyer and Terminer.

In contrast, in the Ukraine farce, the House intelligence committee (which does not have obvious jurisdiction) is leading an inquiry not authorized by the House. The president’s attorney points to the absence of a vote on impeachment by the full House as a basis for challenging the jurisdiction of the inquiry. But it’s actually far worse than that.

The House has voted on whether to impeach this president, and three times (December 6, 2017, January 19, 2018, and July 17, 2019). The House voted “no” on each of these attempts to impeach the president. In other words, the House three times voted against what Schiff is currently doing. And he’s doing it anyway.

5. The Presumption of Innocence

Most of the accused witches were found not guilty. Of the approximately 200 people who were accused, 19 were found guilty. While the best result would have been zero, it provides some measure of redemption to the process that the outcome was not always predetermined at the time of the accusation.

Contrast this to the treatment of Trump and the effort to impeach him that began before he even obtained the presidential nomination. Whether it’s Russian collusiondaring to contradict intelligence employees, emoluments, or Stormy Daniels, the verdict remains “guilty” even as Democrats endlessly search for a charge to match their pre-determined outcome.

6. Spectral Evidence

The early witch trials relied on “spectral evidence,” a type of evidence only visible to the witness such as dreams or visions. In November 1692, Massachusetts passed legislation creating the Superior Court of Judicature, which would later disallow spectral evidence as unreliable.

In contrast, Schiff seems to have revived the practice of creating evidence out of his dreams, visions, and fantasies. He famously used a public hearing to paraphrase the president’s phone conversation with the president of Ukraine.

Either the chairman intended for the public to accept his version as factual, in which case he used his position to mislead the public, or he made a big joke out of something that he should have been treating seriously. In either case, it would have not passed due process muster in 17th-century witch trials. By the way, Schiff moonlights as a screenplay writer for those who find his fantasies irresistible.

It’s fascinating that Pelosi cloaks herself in the “rule of law” when she cannot muster minimum principles of due process that attended the witch trials of Salem almost 100 years before the U.S. Constitution. Since the witch trials, our founders codified many of these principles in the Sixth Amendment to the Constitution (a public trial, public witness testimony, the right to know the crimes one is accused of, the right to confront and cross-examine witnesses, etc.)

Thus, calling the Ukraine inquiry a “witch trial” is literally an insult to witch trials.

Adam Mill is a pen name. He works in Kansas City, Missouri as an attorney specializing in labor and employment and public administration law. Adam has contributed to The Federalist, American Greatness, and The Daily Caller. 

If Woke Corporations Had Police Power....

There’s no conflict between the NBA’s extreme wokeness and its craven response to Chinese authoritarianism. For the left, authoritarianism comes naturally.



Since the NBA-China affair blew up last weekend, a number of commentators have lambasted the NBA for its craven response to China, noting the hypocrisy of a league that publicly prides itself on being on the social vanguard in America but has no problem kowtowing to Chinese autocrats to maintain access to their lucrative markets.

The argument goes like this: there’s a massive disconnect between the values the NBA espouses and its willingness, say, to look the other way in China, where the league runs a training program not far from where Uighur Muslims are forcibly sent to reeducation camps. The NBA’s pursuit of filthy lucre, in this view, undermines its carefully crafted public image. As my colleague David Marcus quipped, “After all, what’s a concentration camp or two if there is money to be made?”

National Review’s Michael Brendan Dougherty extends this critique to global corporations in general, arguing that the entire purpose of woke capitalism is “to curry favor with the political class and receive a moral indulgence for their rank profiteering.” The New York Times’ Bari Weiss, citing Alibaba co-founder and New Jersey Nets owner Joe Tsai’s long Facebook post calling the pro-democracy Hong Kong protests a “separatist movement,” wondered “how an American league that prides itself on promoting progressive values squares those values with allowing an apologist for authoritarianism to own one of its teams.”

But is there really such a conflict between progressive values and authoritarianism? Arguably, wokeness is itself fundamentally authoritarian. How many of the most politically correct people on the left in America would be happy to use government power to compel speech, silence those with opposing views, or ruin the lives and livelihoods of ordinary people who don’t share their political values?

We all know the answer because it’s been playing out before our eyes. We all know what happened to Jack Phillips, the Christian baker who declined to make custom wedding cake for a gay couple and, having been vindicated before the U.S. Supreme Court, still faces ongoing persecution and legal battles. We know what happens to wedding florists, photographers, even the owners of a small-town pizza shop who refused to toe the left’s line.

So far from being in conflict with progressive values, coercion is native to them. China has reeducation camps for Muslims who don’t embrace communism. It’s not hard to imagine leftists in America supporting reeducation camps for Christians who don’t embrace gay marriage or transgenderism. Coercive force, even government force, is perfectly fine to them if it’s used in service of the left’s agenda.


Coercion Comes Naturally to the Far-Left

We see signs of this everywhere. Today it’s commonplace for left-wing college students to shout down or even physically threaten conservative speakers and students on the pretext that “hate speech” can’t be tolerated, and even that it justifies violence. Two years ago at Middlebury College, a student mob physically attacked speaker Charles Murray and a faculty member after forcibly shutting down a planned speech by Murray. Does anyone think these students would balk at having the police forcibly shut down speaking events they opposed on ideological grounds?

This isn’t just a campus phenomenon. Violent extremist groups like Antifa are often seen clashing with police, but does anyone doubt that if masked Antifa demonstrators could wield police powers, they would hesitate to use force to silence dissent?

We don’t have to imagine hypotheticals because examples of leftist coercion are all around us. Consider the firing of a Virginia high school teacher last year for refusing, on religious grounds, to use a transgender student’s preferred pronoun. The teacher, Peter Vlaming, even tried to compromise, promising to use only the student’s name and avoid pronouns altogether, but it wasn’t enough. School administrators told Vlaming either to use the pronoun the transgender student wanted or face consequences. Eventually the school board fired him.

This dynamic is now playing out on the world stage as support for the Hong Kong protests draws in a growing number of industries and companies with business ties to China. What happened to Vlaming, for example, is no different than what happened this week to a professional Hong Kong-based gamer named Chung Ng Wai.

Chung, a professional Hearthstone player, expressed support for Hong Kong during a live broadcast after winning a tournament. The maker of the game, Activision Blizzard, one of America’s biggest gaming companies, suspended Chung and forced him to forfeit a reported $10,000 in prize money. The company also summarily fired the commentators who conducted the interview.

William F. Buckley once said, “Liberals claim to want to give a hearing to other views, but then are shocked and offended to discover that there are other views.” That might have once been true of old-fashioned liberals, but today’s leftists don’t even pretend to want to give a hearing to other views. Having other views just makes you a target for intimidation and coercion, maybe even violence.

Say the wrong words and we’ll take away your livelihood. No wonder the most politically correct corporations in America are the first to placate Chinese authoritarians. China just demonstrates what happens when woke corporations have the power of the state behind them. 



Can We Keep Our Republic?

Can We Keep Our Republic?

If the Dems win, Obama’s “fundamental transformation” of America will be complete.

Bruce Thornton is a Shillman Journalism Fellow at the David Horowitz Freedom Center.

When asked the type of government the Constitutional Convention had created, Benjamin Franklin famously replied, “A Republic, if you can keep it.” Franklin and the Founders understood that given a flawed human nature and its passion for power, no form of political order can survive if it is not continually maintained and defended against attempts to dismantle it in order to empower one faction at the expense of others, thus diminishing their freedom.

Since the election of Donald Trump, we have been watching one of the most serious assaults on the Constitutional Republic in our history. With the current efforts of the Democrat-controlled House to engineer public support for impeachment, this three-year attack is intensifying. The climactic battle will be fought on November 3, 2020 when America goes to the polls to select the president. On that day will be decided not just which party will take the White House, but which vision of government will rule us: The Constitutional order of popular sovereignty, federalism, and divided powers; or a technocratic oligarchy of centralized and concentrated power.

Or to put it more starkly: Can we keep our nation of free citizens, or will we become one of managed clients?

This competition of political philosophies is not about Donald Trump’s alleged violations of mythic “democratic norms” or “presidential decorum.” In fact, the bipartisan evocation of such codes of political manners reflects the preference for the technocratic oligarchy that has ruled and misruled the country since the Second World War. Its roots go back even farther than that. The first progressives of the late 19th century were frankly technocratic, disdainful of separated and balanced powers, and advocates of the new “human sciences” that they claimed had made obsolete the wisdom of the Founders, the guidance of tradition, and the lessons of history.

Starting with Woodrow Wilson, and continuing through FDR’s New Deal, LBJ’s Great Society programs, and Barack Obama’s further expansion of entitlement programs and take-over of the health care industry, the country has been moving relentlessly toward more and more centralization of federal power, expansion of the federal regulatory regime, and encroachment on the freedom of states, civil society, families, and individuals.

And don’t forget, along the way Republican elites have supported and abetted this weakening of the Republic. They have created or expanded intrusive regulatory agencies like the EPA and the Department of Education, illiberal programs like race-conscious set-asides, and increased the number and scope of redistributionist programs like Medicaid and Social Security. More recently they have joined forces with the identity-politics left to support amnesty for illegal aliens and laxer immigration protocols. Worse yet, they have frequently endorsed and legitimized the politicized, illiberal ideology of race, “gender,” ethnicity, and sexual identity that provides Democrats with tools for leveraging political power and influence in order to achieve “social justice.”

Whether through design, instinct, or common sense, Donald Trump exposed this capitulation of many establishment Republicans to the shibboleths of the illiberal, Leviathan Democrats. His patriotism and populism spoke to millions of voters who could tell when they were being ignored or talked-down to by so-called conservatives, who joined their fellow globalist elites in dismissing the working-class voters’ concerns about lost jobs, lost foundational beliefs and values, and lost love for America and our national identity.

Hence the bipartisan rage against Trump and the 63 million Americans who ignored their “betters” and put Trump in office. And the president’s successes in invigorating the economy, rolling back regulations, championing religious freedom, and taking off the “kick me” sign the previous administration had hung on America’s back, all enraged his enemies further. NeverTrump Republicans are the worse. They became unhinged, obsessing over Trump’s brash, vulgar, plain-talking, hit-back style, rather than acknowledging that his governing actions like tax reductions and deregulation have long been conservative desiderata, and are certainly light-years ahead of what a President Hillary Clinton would have wrought. Such Republicans have become the de facto fifth column of the progressive “resistance,” giving aid and comfort to those who once in power would continue to dismantle the Constitutional order that protects the citizens’ political freedom and autonomy.

Most important, the means by which this assault on Trump has been executed represent the most sustained abuse of government power at least since World War II. The administration of the previous president––including very likely the president himself––and the powerful federal agencies overseeing police, justice, and intelligence, like classic tyrants turned these lethal government powers against a political rival, blatantly violating the oaths they had sworn to uphold the Constitution. Abetted by a corrupt media that no longer hide their political passions, they used state power to engineer the “Russia collusion” hoax that was so flimsy even two years of investigation by hostile deep-state operatives and Democrat donors could not find any evidence to support it.

And along the way, they violated the protocols and legal guard-rails of formal investigations to achieve their ends: First, to discredit the Trump campaign, and then to hamstringing his presidency. The examples of this professional and civic malfeasance are legion and amply documented by Andy McCarthyGregg Jarret, and many others. But there are two that are particularly egregious.

First was James Comey’s phony investigation of Hillary’s felonious abuse of rules for handling sensitive government information. Even worse was the press conference in which he laid out the obvious predicates of an indictment, then found a nonexistent  “intention” proviso in the penumbras and emanations of the relevant statute, and then usurped the Attorney General’s authority as to whether or not to indict by making the decision himself during the press conference.

The second violation has not been as commented on as it should be––the handling of  the “hacked” DNC servers scandal. We know the narrative, since it is regularly repeated even by conservative commentators: Several of our intelligence agencies discovered that a Russian operative named Guccifer 2.0 hacked the DNC servers, and then via Wikileaks publicized the contents to embarrass Hillary and weaken the Democrats, the goal being to help Donald Trump in the 2016 election. This has become a foundational dogma of the whole Russia collusion, foreign interference, Trump corruption tale that provides the flimsy rationale for the Trump-haters’ invective and calls for impeachment.

But as George Parry summarizes in an important analysis, this claim is unsubstantiated by any forensic evidence. On the contrary, an investigation by the “Veteran Intelligence Professionals for Sanity (VIPS), an organization of former CIA, FBI, National Security Agency, and military intelligence officers, technical experts, and analysts,” discovered something quite different. The whole report is worth reading, but here is the salient conclusion that the files were not hacked, but downloaded directly from the DNC server:
How was this determined? The time stamps contained in the released computer files’ metadata establish that, at 6:45 p.m. July 5, 2016, 1,976 megabytes (not megabits) of data were downloaded from the DNC’s server. This took 87 seconds, which means the transfer rate was 22.7 megabytes per second, a speed, according to VIPS, that “is much faster than what is physically possible with a hack.” Such a speed could be accomplished only by direct connection of a portable storage device to the server. Accordingly, VIPS concluded that the DNC data theft was an inside job by someone with physical access to the server.
VIPS also found that, if there had been a hack, the NSA would have a record of it that could quickly be retrieved and produced. But no such evidence has been forthcoming. Can this be because no hack occurred?
Even more remarkable, the experts determined that the files released by Guccifer 2.0 have been “run, via ordinary cut and paste, through a template that effectively immersed them in what could plausibly be cast as Russian fingerprints.” In other words, the files were deliberately altered to give the false impression that they were hacked by Russian agents.

Some have challenged VIPS’s analysis, but one fact casts a huge cloud of suspicion on the intelligence agencies’ publicized assertion that Russians engineered the hack: None of them have analyzed the server themselves, despite having the resources to do so. The DNC refused to hand over the server, instead passing along a forensic analysis by a firm it hired called CrowdStrike, according to VIPS “a cybersecurity firm of checkered reputation and multiple conflicts of interest, including very close ties to a number of key anti-Russian organizations.”

Again, the FBI and other security agencies came to their conclusion about the Russian hack based on the word of a dodgy outfit paid by the DNC. Remind you of a famous fake “dossier” also paid for by Democrats, and used by government officials to obtain a FISA warrant to spy on American citizens?

Apart from that hard evidence casting doubt on the narrative, we can challenge the assumption that Russia would prefer Trump over Hillary. Hillary had a public record of supporting Obama’s “reset” with Russia, which featured his infamous hot-mic promise of “flexibility” on granting Putin’s wish for the US to stop missile-defense installations in Eastern Europe after Obama’s reelection––an example of actual collusion with a foreign power in order to affect the outcome of the imminent 2012 presidential election. And Hillary herself, through Russian donations to her foundation and her help in transferring 20% of our uranium stocks to a subsidiary of a Russian company, had raked in millions of dollars. Why wouldn’t Putin prefer this known appeaser and grifter over the volatile and unknown Donald Trump, who has in fact been much tougher with Putin than Obama and Clinton ever were?

So the most powerful investigative agencies in the world have relied on the investigation of  foreign hired guns to determine that Russia hacked the DNC to help Donald Trump. Nor did the FBI or the Mueller investigation seem interested in getting to the bottom of this blatant act of foreign interference in an American election, the ostensible reason for the Special Counsel’s investigation in the first place. A better explanation is that yet once again, government security and police agencies were colluding in fabricating the narrative to misdirect the people from Hillary’s various shady actions, and to tar her rival with a Russian bogeyman redolent of the  McCarthy era “Red scare.”

The Mueller investigation having come a cropper, now we have the even more transparently contrived and dishonest “Ukraine” scandal to provide the media fuel for impeachment. The media are in a frenzy, and their Republican NeverTrump allies are contributing to the effort. Mitt Romney and other Republican preemptive cringers are piling on. The Dems think that even if the Senate doesn’t vote to convict, they’ll have thrown enough mud on the president that a critical mass of voters will turn against him. And if the economy slows down enough, that could turn out to be a smart strategy.

Nor should we take comfort in the buffoonish slate of Dem primary candidates to save us, for the stakes are too high. The corruption of the Constitution and federal agencies of the past three years is exactly what follows when power is concentrated and citizen autonomy is surrendered to unaccountable, unelected technocrats. In the end the primary job of our national government is to defend us from foreign enemies and protect our freedoms from internal ones, not intrude into elections for their own political and careerist aggrandizement.

If the Dems win, and they succeed in abolishing the Electoral College, making the Senate proportionately representative, eviscerating the First and Second Amendments, and transforming the United States from the exceptional Republic and indispensable champion of unalienable rights and freedom it is, to just another client of a supranational, technocratic empire like the EU––then Obama’s aim of “fundamentally transforming” America will have been achieved.

And that will be the moment, after more than two centuries, we failed to keep our Republic.



What's Next After Trump?


Last weekend, Republican political advisor Sarah Isgur Flores tweeted, "A lot of quiet conversations among conservative thought leaders today about how to prepare for a 'post Trump' Republican Party -- whether its impeachment or a loss in 2020. People thinking about how that shakes out and where they fit. This is not good for Trump."

Actually, no -- it's not good for the Republican Party. Love him or hate him (and it's clear that a lot of establishment Republicans don't love him), Trump's candidacy and presidency have exposed the deceit of the American press, the corruption in our government and the true political intentions of the American left.

Millions voted for Trump in 2016, having watched Republicans like John McCain, Mitt Romney and Paul Ryan do a dainty dance around a hostile and aggressive left. Worse, after having given the GOP control of the House (in 2010) and Senate (in 2014), conservative voters watched as it did nothing.

Trump came in as a non-politician and knocked down 16 other Republican presidential candidates like they were bowling pins. Too many Republicans didn't "get it" then, and they obviously don't "get it" now.

Republicans complaining about Trump's demeanor apparently think, "If we just run someone who's dignified, the press will be nice -- or at least fair -- to him." How blind can they be? Romney -- as dignified and respectable a politician as ever existed -- is one of the leading Republican voices critical of Trump. He seems to have forgotten that the press destroyed his candidacy with lies. The same was true for John McCain, who was evil incarnate when running as the Republican nominee for president in 2008 and only became the left's personification of "senior statesman" after he lost.

The left has been screaming "impeachment" since Inauguration Day and has shown itself willing to go to the most elaborate lengths in an effort to undo the election and remove Trump from office.

First there were the false claims of "collusion" with Russia. The left knew these accusations were specious. And yet the nation was dragged through a pointless two-year investigation that only revealed that the person purportedly in charge of the investigation -- Robert Mueller -- had little to no idea what was going on, and that operatives in the FBI and the Justice Department had manipulated the laws and legal process in an effort to spy on Trump's campaign and administration, and frame him for misconduct.
Then, when the "collusion" narrative fell apart, the story became "obstruction of justice," despite Trump's never having interfered with Mueller's investigation and having provided all the documentation he was asked for.

Now the tack has shifted again, to a recent conversation Trump had with the Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelensky in which Trump discussed the possibility that then-Vice President Joe Biden threatened to cut off U.S. financial support to Ukraine unless a particular Ukrainian prosecutor general, Viktor Shokin, was fired. Biden was captured on tape saying: "I looked at them and said, 'I'm leaving in six hours, If the prosecutor is not fired, you're not getting the money.' Well, son of a bitch. He got fired."

Biden's people claim that the U.S. government wanted Shokin out because he wasn't rooting out corruption. But that story is complicated by the fact that Biden's son Hunter Biden had managed to obtain a seat on the board of Burisma, a Ukrainian natural gas company under investigation for corruption. Hunter Biden was being paid as much as $50,000 a month, despite zeroexperience in the natural gas or energy industries.

Democrats argue that Trump's conversation with the Ukrainian president amounts to requesting foreign interference in a presidential election, since Joe Biden is now a front-runner for the 2020 Democratic presidential nomination. They claim not one but two "whistleblowers" have come forward to reveal the conversation. The second whistleblower characterized the conversation between Trump and Zelensky as "crazy" and "frightening." But the White House released the transcript of the phone call, and neither claims of threats and pressure nor "frightening" tactics are substantiated by it. (In fact, rabidly pro-impeachment Democrats like Rep. Adam Schiff have tacitly admitted as much, characterizing Trump's bland language on the call as "code" and a "classic Mafia-like shakedown.")

It isn't just President Trump who is on the receiving end of Democrats' machinations. They continue to try to unseat Supreme Court Justice Brett Kavanaugh, whose confirmation was nearly destroyed by 36-year-old uncorroborated accusations of sexual assault at a high school party. The Kavanaugh debacle revealed that the left is willing to abandon due process, the rule of law and the presumption of innocence -- and even threaten witnesses -- to get what it wants.

Trump, Kavanaugh and other enemies of the left have been subjected to a barrage of lies, threats, baseless accusations and manipulation of the law. The left threatens our most basic constitutional rights and disparages constitutional protections against majoritarian abuse, like the Electoral College. In the face of this, Republicans are whispering about what to do "after Trump"?

For years, Republican politicians were such easy targets for the left. They pulled their punches and tucked their tails between their legs every time the political left and their lapdogs in the national media called them a nasty name, or attacked their proposed policies as "racist" or "bigoted" or displays of hatred for the poor. In Trump the left now has a political opponent who punches back -- hard. For that, the left hates him.

The question isn't how the Republican Party will survive Trump; it's how -- and whether -- it will survive without him.

Turkey and the Kurds: It’s More Complicated Than You Think

We are grateful for the Kurds' help, and we should try to help them in return. But no one wants to risk war with Turkey.
Andrew C. McCarthy at National Review



U.S. Army soldiers walk during a joint U.S.-Turkey patrol near Tel Abyad, Syria, Sep 8, 2019. (Rodi Said/Reuters)
On Monday, President Trump announced that a contingent of fewer than 100 U.S. troops in Syria was being moved away from Kurdish-held territory on the border of Turkey. The move effectively green-lighted military operations by Turkey against the Kurds, which have now commenced.

Some U.S. military officials went public with complaints about being “blindsided.” The policy cannot have been a surprise, though. The president has made no secret that he wants out of Syria, where we now have about 1,000 troops (down from over 2,000 last year). More broadly, he wants our forces out of the Middle East. He ran on that position. I’ve argued against his “endless wars” tropes, but his stance is popular. As for Syria specifically, many of the president’s advisers think we should stay, but he has not been persuaded.

The president’s announcement of the redeployment of the Syrian troops came on the heels of a phone conversation with Turkey’s President Recep Tayyip Erdogan. This, obviously, was a mistake, giving the appearance (and not for the first time) that Trump is taking cues from Ankara’s Islamist strongman. As has become rote, the inevitable criticism was followed by head-scratching tweets: The president vows to “totally destroy and obliterate the Economy of Turkey,” which “I’ve done before” (huh?), if Turkey takes any actions “that I, in my great and unmatched wisdom, consider to be off limits.” We can only sigh and say it will be interesting to see how the president backs up these haughty threats now that Erdogan has begun his invasion.

All that said, the president at least has a cogent position that is consistent with the Constitution and public opinion. He wants U.S. forces out of a conflict in which America’s interests have never been clear, and for which Congress has never approved military intervention. I find that sensible — no surprise, given that I have opposed intervention in Syria from the start (see, e.g., herehereherehereherehere, and here). The stridency of the counterarguments is matched only by their selectiveness in reciting relevant facts.

I thus respectfully dissent from our National Review editorial.

President Trump, it says, is “making a serious mistake” by moving our forces away from what is described as “Kurdish territory”; the resulting invasion of superior Turkish forces will “kill American allies” while “carving out a zone of dominance” that will serve further to “inflame and complicate” the region.

Where to begin? Perhaps with the basic fact that there is no Kurdish territory. There is Syrian territory on Turkey’s border that the Kurds are occupying — a situation that itself serves to “inflame and complicate” the region for reasons I shall come to. Ethnic Kurds do not have a state. They live in contiguous parts of Syria, Turkey, Iraq, and Iran. Most are integrated into these countries, but many are separatists.

The Kurds have been our allies against ISIS, but it is not for us that they have fought.
They fight ISIS for themselves, with our help. They are seeking an autonomous zone and, ultimately, statehood. The editorial fails to note that the Kurds we have backed, led by the YPG (People’s Protection Units), are the Syrian branch of the PKK (the Kurdistan Worker’s Party) in Turkey. The PKK is a militant separatist organization with Marxist-Leninist roots. Although such informed observers as Michael Rubin contend that the PKK has “evolved,” it remains a formally designated foreign terrorist organization under U.S. law. While our government materially supports the PKK’s confederates, ordinary Americans have been prosecuted for materially supporting the PKK.

The PKK has a long history of conducting terrorist attacks, but their quarrel is not with us. So why has our government designated them as terrorists? Because they have been fighting an insurgent war against Turkey for over 30 years. Turkey remains our NATO ally, even though the Erdogan government is one of the more duplicitous and anti-Western actors in a region that teems with them — as I’ve detailed over the years (see, e.g., herehereherehere, and in my 2012 book, Spring Fever). The Erdogan problem complicates but does not change the fact that Turkey is of great strategic significance to our security.

While it is a longer discussion, I would be open to considering the removal of both the PKK from the terrorist list and Turkey from NATO. For now, though, the blunt facts are that the PKK is a terrorist organization and Turkey is our ally. These are not mere technicalities. Contrary to the editorial’s suggestion, our government’s machinations in Syria have not put just one of our allies in a bind. There are two allies in this equation, and our support for one has already vexed the other. The ramifications are serious, not least Turkey’s continued lurch away from NATO and toward Moscow.

Without any public debate, the Obama administration in 2014 insinuated our nation into the Kurdish–Turk conflict by arming the YPG. To be sure, our intentions were good. ISIS had besieged the city of Kobani in northern Syria; but Turkey understandably regards the YPG as a terrorist organization, complicit in the PKK insurgency.

That brings us to another non-technicality that the editors mention only in passing: Our intervention in Syria has never been authorized by Congress. Those of us who opposed intervention maintained that congressional authorization was necessary because there was no imminent threat to our nation. Contrary to the editorial’s suggestion, having U.S. forces “deter further genocidal bloodshed in northern Syria” is not a mission for which Americans support committing our men and women in uniform. Such bloodlettings are the Muslim Middle East’s default condition, so the missions would never end.

A congressional debate should have been mandatory before we jumped into a multi-layered war, featuring anti-American actors and shifting loyalties on both sides. In fact, so complex is the situation that President Obama’s initial goal was to oust Syria’s Assad regime; only later came the pivot to fighting terrorists, which helped Assad. That is Syria: Opposing one set of America’s enemies only empowers another. More clear than what intervention would accomplish was the likelihood of becoming enmeshed, inadvertently or otherwise, in vicious conflicts of which we wanted no part — such as the notorious and longstanding conflict between Turks and Kurds.

Barbaric jihadist groups such as ISIS (an offshoot of al-Qaeda) come into existence because of Islamic fundamentalism. But saying so remains de tropin Washington. Instead, we tell ourselves that terrorism emerges due to “vacuums” created in the absence of U.S. forces. On this logic, there should always and forever be U.S. forces and involvement in places where hostility to America vastly outweighs American interests.

President Obama has wrongly been blamed for “creating” ISIS by leaving a vacuum in Iraq. Couldn’t be the sharia supremacist culture, could it? No, we’re supposed to suppose that this sort of thing could happen anywhere. So, when Obama withdrew our forces from the region (as Trump is doing now), jihadist atrocities and territorial conquests ensued. Eventually, Obama decided that action needed to be taken. But invading with U.S. troops was not an option — it would have been deeply unpopular and undercut Obama’s tout that Islamic militarism was on the wane. Our government therefore sought proxy forces.

Most proved incompetent. The Kurds, however, are very capable. There was clamor on Capitol Hill to back them. We knew from the first, though, that supporting them was a time bomb. Turkey was never going to countenance a Kurdish autonomous zone, led by the YPG and PKK elements, on its Syrian border. Ankara was already adamant that the PKK was using the Kurdish autonomous zone in Iraq to encourage separatist uprisings in Turkey, where 20 percent of the population is Kurdish. Erdogan would never accept a similar arrangement in Syria; he would evict the YPG forcibly if it came to that.

Yes, we had humanitarian reasons for arming the Kurds. But doing so undermined our anti-terrorism laws while giving Erdogan incentive to align with Russia and mend fences with Iran. ISIS, meanwhile, has never been defeated — it lost its territorial “caliphate,” but it was always more lethal as an underground terrorist organization than as a quasi-sovereign struggling to hold territory. And al-Qaeda, though rarely spoken of in recent years, is ascendant — as threatening as it has been at any time since its pre-9/11 heyday.

Those of us opposed to intervention in Syria wanted Congress to think through these quite predictable outcomes before authorizing any further U.S. military involvement in this wretched region. Congress, however, much prefers to lay low in the tall grass, wait for presidents to act, and then complain when things go awry.

And so they have: The easily foreseeable conflict between Turkey and the Kurds is at hand. We are supposed to see the problem as Trump’s abandoning of U.S. commitments. But why did we make commitments to the Kurds that undermined preexisting commitments to Turkey? The debate is strictly framed as “How can we leave the Kurds to the tender mercies of the Turks?” No one is supposed to ask, “What did we expect would happen when we backed a militant organization that is tightly linked to U.S.-designated terrorists and that is the bitter enemy of a NATO ally we knew would not abide its presence on the ally’s border?” No one is supposed to ask: “What is the end game here? Are we endorsing the partition of Syria? Did we see a Kurdish autonomous zone as the next Kosovo?” (We might remember that recognition of Kosovo’s split from Serbia, over Russian objections, was exploited by the Kremlin as a rationale for promoting separatism and annexations in Georgia and Ukraine.)

It is true, as the editors observe, that “there are no easy answers in Syria.” That is no excuse for offering an answer that makes no sense: “The United States should have an exit strategy, but one that neither squanders our tactical gains against ISIS nor exposes our allies to unacceptable retribution.” Put aside that our arming of the Kurds has already exposed our allies in Turkey to unacceptable risk. What the editorial poses is not an “exit strategy,” but its opposite. In effect, it would keep U.S. forces in Syria interminably, permanently interposed between the Kurds and the Turks. The untidy questions of how that would be justifiable legally or politically go unaddressed.

President Trump, by contrast, has an exit strategy, which is to exit. He promises to cripple Turkey economically if the Kurds are harmed. If early reports of Turkey’s military assault are accurate, the president will soon be put to the test. I hope he is up to it. For a change, he should have strong support from Congress, which is threatening heavy sanctions if Turkey routs the Kurds.

Americans, however, are not of a mind to do more than that. We are grateful for what the Kurds did in our mutual interest against ISIS. We should try to help them, but no one wants to risk war with Turkey over them. The American people’s representatives never endorsed combat operations in Syria, and the president is right that the public wants out. Of course we must prioritize the denial of safe-havens from which jihadists can attack American interests. We have to stop pretending, though, that if our intentions toward this neighborhood are pure, its brutal history, enduring hostilities, and significant downside risks can be ignored.