Saturday, October 5, 2019

Appalling Mitt Romney

The DNC, Clinton and Obama colluded with foreign governments to destroy Donald Trump? Meh. But Trump looking into corruption? That’s appalling!

Mitt Romney is appalled.  Appalled I tell you!


It’s appalling don’t you know.

Apparently it isn’t appalling to Mitt that the Biden family became fabulously wealthy by leveraging Joe’s political influence for personal gain.

And it isn’t at all appalling to Mitt that Joe Biden used his position as Vice President to hold a billion dollars in US aid from Ukraine until they fired the prosecutor looking into his son’s business dealings.

But the President saying Ukraine and China should investigate this influence peddling and corruption?  That is appalling to Mitt Romney.

Is Mitt in any way appalled at the coordinated effort of the FBI, CIA and Obama White House collecting dirt from foreign countries in order to destroy Trump’s 2016 candidacy?

Is he appalled that after Trump was elected these same entities continued (and continue to this day) to undermine and destroy his presidency?

Well, if he is, he’s never said so.

But Donald Trump publicly calling out the corruption and influence peddling done by Obama’s Vice President?  That appalls him.

Joe Biden isn’t the only entrenched DC politician whose family uses his political position for personal enrichment.  And he isn’t the only one who used engaged in pay-to-play.

This corruption is rampant in Washington.

And for some reason, Ukraine is a popular place for politicians to strike it rich.  They use that country like a two-dollar whore at a frat party.

Nancy Pelosi’s own son Paul had business dealings in Ukraine.

From 1999 to 2014, the Clinton Foundation received more money from Ukraine than any other country on the planet.

Call me crazy, but that is appalling to me.

But it’s not appalling to Mitt Romney.

I get it.

Mitt despises Donald Trump.

But for Mitt to act as if this so-called “Impeachment Inquiry” is totally on the up-and-up when it is clearly another dossier-style smear campaign to interfere with the 2020 election?  That’s what I call appalling.

There’s a reason Republican voters went with Donald Trump in 2016.

And there’s a reason that Trump enjoys such a high approval rating among Republicans today.

We’re sick of these milquetoast sissies who wave the white flag of surrender the instant the dirty, underhanded Democrat/Media smear machine kicks into gear.

From the very beginning of Donald Trump’s 2016 run for the White House, the thing voters admired most was the fact that Trump fights back.  He doesn’t allow the media to slander him with impunity.  He refuses to cave at the first sign of opposition.  And he is willing to go against these entrenched, entitled faux aristocrats who believe exploiting “public service” for personal enrichment is their birthright.

Romney may see himself as honorable and noble.

But he is defending the status quo of political corruption that has for decades infected our so-called “self-government.”  And he is turning a blind eye to an unconstitutional coup led by unelected bureaucrats and vindictive Democrats who have no problem undermining and nullifying the will of the American people.

And that is truly appalling.

UPDATE:


There’s always a tweet. 




Inquiry is not impeachment

President is right: 

Inquiry is not impeachment!


By Silvio Canto, Jr. - October 5, 2019

In a great move, President Trump is daring the Democrats to impeach him.  He wants the Democrats to impeach or stop bothering him.  And Judge Napolitano agrees with his reasoning:
Fox News senior judicial analyst and Fox Nation host Judge Andrew Napolitano backed the legal argument behind a White House letter expected to be sent to House Speaker Nancy Pelosi, D-Calif., arguing that the White House does not have to comply with the Democrats' impeachment inquiry.
The letter, which may be sent as early as Friday, apparently dares Pelosi to put the question of a formal impeachment inquiry before the House of Representatives for a vote.
On Sept. 24, Pelosi announced that House Democrats would undertake the probe without asking for the support of the members of the House.

Inquiry is not impeachment.

An inquiry is just a nice way of avoiding the floor vote.  It keeps a lot of the so-called "moderates" from having to take a position on impeachment.

It also keeps the Left happy for now.  My guess is that they may be joining President Trump and demanding a vote, too.

No matter what, Speaker Pelosi will lose.  The Democrats do not have a "high crime or misdemeanor" to move forward with.

Keep on calling for an impeachment vote. 

Trump Should Flee the Swamp...


Trump Should Flee the Swamp and 

Huddle with Blacks, Hispanics and...



President Trump addresses a re-election campaign rally in Montoursville, Pa. May 20, 2019. (Carlos Barria/Reuters)

The president cannot get reelected solely by pumping up Trumpniks until they explode. He also must reassure swing voters and lure converts.


Road trip!

As impeachaholic Democrats grow drunk on Ukrainian horilka, President Donald J. Trump should flee Animal House — better known as Washington, D.C. Rather than fume in the Oval Office and trade barbs with those who despise him, Trump should leave town and reacquaint himself with The American People — namely folks outside the alligator- and snake-filled Potomac swamp.

Addressing massive rallies surely would comfort Trump. Who could blame him for surrounding himself with adoring fans instead of seething foes who want him in solitary confinement?

But Trump needs more than just his GOP base and its 87 percent job approval, as Gallup reported Thursday. Trump cannot get reelected solely by pumping up Trumpniks until they explode. He also must reassure swing voters and lure converts. Thus, until Nov. 3, 2020, Trump should spend maximum time among black, Jewish, and Hispanic voters. Atop Trump’s good news for all Americans, he has plenty to share specifically with these citizens.

Trump should remind black voters that his tax reductions and regulatory relief have fueled an economic boom that cut black unemployment in August to 5.5 percent — an all-time low. The black poverty rate fell to 20.8 percent, a record low. Criminal-justice reform has helped nonviolent, disproportionately black, convicts take their first steps from mass incarceration into society. Trump’s roughly 9,000 Opportunity Zones are fueling entrepreneurship, growth, and jobs in low-income, largely black neighborhoods. Trump has promoted school choice and offered unprecedented assistance to America’s 101 Historically Black Colleges and Universities.

“We’ll never win the black vote!” myopic Republican strategists predictably retort.

Trump and other Republicans should ignore these “experts.” They should stipulate that 80 percent of blacks will tell Trump, “Go to hell, Whitey!” But if the other 20 percent say: “Thank you for asking politely. You have our votes,” Trump will win handily. Democrats cannot spare such a huge chunk of their base.

Ron DeSantis’s experience in Florida is extremely instructive. How did he, a white Republican, beat Andrew Gillum, a black Democrat? (Gillum is far-left. But, unlike Georgia’s highly grating Stacey Adams, he seems all sweetness and light. This wolf fits perfectly in his bespoke sheep’s clothing.) DeSantis promised black “school-choice moms” expanded educational options for their kids. On Election Day, DeSantis took 8 percent of the black-male vote, but 18 percent of the black-female vote, or some 100,000 votes. DeSantis won by 32,463. So, black women sent this conservative to the governor’s mansion.

EVERY Republican candidate — from president to precinct captain — should follow DeSantis’s example.

Trump has great news for Jewish voters, too. He acknowledged Jerusalem as Israel’s eternal capital and moved the U.S. Embassy there, from Tel Aviv. He recognized the long-disputed Golan Heights as Israeli. Trump signed the Taylor Force Act, which bars aid to the Palestinian Authority, so long as it rewards terrorists who attack Jews. Trump frequently slams anti-Semitism. Democrats stammer rather than spurn Rep. Ilhan Omar (D., Minn.), Women’s March co-founder Linda Sarsour, and other Jew haters in their midst.

Trump also should engage Hispanics. They are savoring record-low joblessness (4.2 percent in August) and poverty (17.6 percent). This largely Catholic population should welcome Trump’s pro-life policies. He also should stress how his immigration efforts boot MS-13 killers from America’s barrios, protect legal immigrants, and block illegal aliens until they apply for visas — as did millions of law-abiding U.S. Hispanics.

As Trump embraces these Americans, he also calms “nervous whites.”

“Wow!” such a voter might think. “Trump’s listening at a black-owned business. Look! He’s scoring applause at a synagogue. Whaaaaaat? He’s kissing Hispanic babies. The media lied again. He is not a racist. So, I’ll vote for Trump, since doing so will not make me a racist.”

Trump need not win all of these skittish voters. If 5,000 of them secured New Hampshire and 8,000 of them attained Minnesota, this would add 14 electoral votes to Trump’s total. Likewise, marginal gains among, say, blacks in Philadelphia, Jews in Naples, and Hispanics in Albuquerque could capture Pennsylvania, Florida, and New Mexico. In a squeaker, these slight advantages could spell victory.

Ukrainegate already is sputtering. Initial claims that Trump blackmailed President Volodymyr Zelensky into probing Joe Biden proved hyperbolic. Regardless, unhinged Democrats would investigate rumors that Donny Trump, 7, once misallocated his lunch money and bought candy. While Democrats squander their House majority and drown themselves in Trump hatred, the president of the United States should invite black, Jewish, Hispanic, and other voters to help him make America even greater





Deroy Murdock is a Manhattan-based Fox News contributor and a contributing editor of National Review Online

Will the Justices Be Bold?

Will the Justices Be Bold on Abortion?



(Leah Millis/Reuters)
The SC will hear the most important pro-life case in a generation


I  remember June 29, 1992, all too well. That was the day the Supreme Court issued its decision in Planned Parenthood v. Casey. In that case, a court composed of a majority of Republican appointees not only reaffirmed the central holding of Roe v. Wade, it articulated a version of “liberty” that rendered the definition of personhood nearly entirely individualized and subjective — science be damned. The plurality opinion declared, “At the heart of liberty is the right to define one’s own concept of existence, of meaning, of the universe, and of the mystery of human life.”

The unborn child never gets the chance to define anything. The “attributes of personhood” are defined for it, sometimes by the ultimate dehumanizing instrument of a doctor’s dismembering vacuum tube.

But there’s something else I remember from that day. Pro-life activists were bereft when the Court failed to overturn Roe. Yet I knew many pro-choice feminists who were angry as well. Why? Though the Court didn’t eliminate the judge-manufactured constitutional right to an abortion, it clarified the judicial test for determining whether state regulations were constitutionally permissible. The plurality stated that “only where state regulation imposes an undue burden on a woman’s ability to make this decision does the power of the State reach into the heart of the liberty protected by the Due Process Clause.”

Pro-choice activists understood that the phrase “undue burden” was malleable. It was not self-defining. There was room for regulation, and in the years since Casey the number of pro-life regulations exploded across the United States. At the same time, the abortion rate fell precipitously, and the combination of decreased demand and increased regulation meant that in some states the number of abortion clinics shrank to a mere handful, sometimes to a single clinic in an entire state.

Yet even as regulations passed and clinics closed, Justice Anthony Kennedy stood as a firewall. As one of the architects of Casey, he would never overrule Roe. And his abortion jurisprudence, while “moderate” (he did, after all, vote with the majority to uphold George W. Bush’s partial-birth-abortion ban), was protective enough of abortion rights that he joined with progressives, in a case called Whole Women’s Health, to strike down even such a modest state restriction as a Texas law requiring doctors who perform abortions to hold admitting privileges at a hospital located within 30 miles of an abortion facility.

But now Justice Kennedy has retired. Not one of the justices who authored the plurality opinion in Casey are still on the Court. And there is now a clear opportunity for the Court to depart from even its recent jurisprudence and chart a new judicial course.

Today, the Supreme Court accepted review in a Louisiana abortion case called June Medical Services v. GeeThe decision was hardly surprising. In 2018, the Fifth Circuit Court of Appeals upheld a Louisiana admitting-privileges law that is remarkably similar to the Texas statute the Supreme Court struck down in 2016. The Fifth Circuit panel cited factual differences between the two cases, and in theory the Court could have permitted the Louisiana statute to go into effect without hearing an appeal, but in February it granted Louisiana’s request for a stay of enforcement pending its appeal to SCOTUS, and now it has decided to hear the case on the merits.

So, what does this mean? Simply put, the Court will decide the most consequential abortion case in a generation. First, if it overturns the Fifth Circuit and reaffirms the 2016 Texas precedent, then the message is clear — the Court is not substantially different. Even though he’s retired, the Court will still be Kennedy’s Court, and stare decisis will continue to trump the text, history, and clear meaning of the Constitution.

Let’s put it this way: It will be immensely important (in all the worst ways) if the Court overturns the Louisiana law and upholds Whole Women’s Health. If it rules for the state, then the importance of the decision will depend greatly on the breadth of the opinion.

An opinion focused almost exclusively on factual differences between Texas and Louisiana that upholds the Louisiana law while still blocking Texas would indicate that the Court may have little appetite for substantially rocking the precedential boat. By contrast, an opinion that actually reverses Whole Women’s Health would demonstrate that the Court is willing to act with at least some degree of boldness and would greatly encourage state legislators who’ve passed hundreds of new pro-life laws in the past decade.

What is most likely to happen? Don’t count on any language that casts doubt on the core holding in Roe or Casey. Louisiana is mainly fighting to keep its law alive, not to remake abortion jurisprudence in America, and the Court doesn’t often give a litigant more than it asks for. And while pro-life Americans can be hopeful for a good outcome, I’d caution against outright optimism. When the Court blocked enforcement of Louisiana’s law in February, it had to find a “significant possibility” that it would reverse the Fifth Circuit. While hardly the death knell for the case, the fact that the Court reached that conclusion is disturbing.

No matter what happens, however, one thing is clear: For the abortion jurisprudence of a post-Kennedy court, the age of speculation is about to end. The age of analysis will soon begin.





David French is a senior writer for National Review, a senior fellow at the National Review Institute, and a veteran of Operation Iraqi Freedom. @DavidAFrench

Dems’ Impeachment gambit

Sen. Marsha Blackburn: Dems' impeachment gambit is a revenge scheme orchestrated by a fallen political party


Red-state Democrats worry impeachment push could spiral out of control

Concerns mount in Senate over impeachment inquiry; reaction and analysis from Fox News contributors Donna Brazile and Jonah Goldberg.

Another day, another scandal that’s sure to trigger the Trump administration’s downfall—if only the American people would be less picky about what the definition of the word “evidence” is.

The Ukraine Call Transcript. The Whistleblower Complaint. The Impeachment Inquiry. The pieces of this latest impeachment jigsaw have reached mythic status, bolstered by frenzied reporting, and insistence on the part of Democrats and advocates that this time, they’ve got the president right where they want him.

In reality, the documents offer very little in the form of an obvious smoking gun. Both the transcript and the complaint have become a cultural Rorschach test: no matter the evidence (or lack thereof) the reader will see exactly what they want to see.

Even before we saw the transcript of President Trump’s July 25 call with Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelensky, Democrats and their friends in the media were already imploring the American people to accept as fact that the president had betrayed the nation’s trust by asking for foreign help in undermining the 2020 elections.

After the White House released the declassified transcript, the game changed.

Realizing there was no illicit request—and thus, no grounds for impeachment—leftists quickly turned their focus toward the intelligence community’s “whistleblower.”

It should have been an easy win. The anonymous employee’s detailed complaint suggested that the contents of the transcript had triggered alarm within the intelligence community.

Unfortunately for the pro-impeachment crowd, the American people remained skeptical that the transcript revealed more than run-of-the-mill diplomacy. The narrative foundered, and the chess pieces moved once more. This time, the smoking gun was guaranteed to be found buried deep within a national security server housing call records with foreign leaders.

If you can’t impeach for the crime, goes their argument, impeach for the cover-up!

What will happen, you ask, when this new revelation inevitably fizzles out? Democrats and their friends in the media will haul the goalposts down to the other end of the field, and continue their attempts to undermine the American public’s faith in the president they chose.

In 2016, before Trump took the oath of office, Senate Democrats hatched a legislative plot to transform the president’s alleged conflicts of interest into “high crimes” that would damn Trump’s presidency to be one of the shortest in history.

Their efforts failed.

House Democrats tried to impeach in 2017, and again in 2018, and failed both times.

They thought they hit pay dirt with the now-infamous Mueller report, but utterly failed at controlling their own message creep long enough to nail down exactly what they believed the report *would* reveal, and then, *should have* revealed.

This year, Democrats failed to impeach, tried and failed to extract one last death rattle from the remains of the Mueller Report, and are now shopping the preposterous notion that this (!) iteration of the malfeasance narrative is based on the lowest-hanging fruit of all. They’ve placed their hopes in the pages of a neatly-packaged whistleblower complaint that reads more like an advocate’s legal brief than an objective statement of “urgent concern.”

Fortunately, the American People have grown wearily accustomed to looking past the fakery and seeing these world-ending controversies for what they truly are: breathless revenge schemes orchestrated by a fallen political party.

Republican Marsha Blackburn represents Tennessee in the United States Senate. She was named the 2016 “Woman of the Year” by the Clare Boothe Luce Policy Institute.

Pressured Michael Flynn To Lie


New Evidence Suggests Prosecutors Pressured Michael Flynn To Lie



With each new court filing, the public learns more about the government’s manipulation of Trump’s former national security advisor, Michael Flynn.

The evidence of prosecutorial misconduct in the Michael Flynn case continues to grow. And with each new court filing by Flynn’s new criminal defense attorney, Sidney Powell, the public learns more about the events leading up to Flynn’s guilty plea and the government’s manipulation of Trump’s former national security advisor.

The latest development came on September 30, when Powell filed a supplement status report summarizing the outcome of the criminal case against Flynn’s former Flynn Intel Group (FIG) partner, Bijan Rafiekian. Presiding Judge Emmett Sullivan had requested the parties provide the court a statement concerning the impact of the government’s decision not to call Flynn as a witness in that case. That provided Powell an opening to inform Judge Sullivan that the prosecution’s case against Rafiekian had been tossed.

“On September 24, 2019, Judge Anthony Trenga of the Eastern District of Virginia granted Mr. Rafiekian’s motion for acquittal in its entirety,” Powell wrote. Then, while attaching Judge Trenga’s detailed opinion to her filing, Powell highlighted the key take-aways: “The Government [had not] presented sufficient evidence for a rational jury to conclude beyond a reasonable doubt that Rafiekian conspired with [co-defendant] Alptekin or anyone else” to act as an unregistered agent of Turkey.

Additionally, “[t]here [wa]s no evidence of discussion or suggestions, let alone an agreement, express or implied, to either avoid filing under FARA or to cause the filing of a false FARA registration statement,” Judge Trenga explained in dismissing the charges.

Powell also took the opportunity to remind Judge Sullivan that Flynn had cooperated substantially in the Rafiekian case, but that when Flynn refused to falsely testify that he had knowingly filed a false FARA statement, the government changed its tack and branded Flynn a co-conspirator. Here, she pointed to the opinion in the Rafiekian case, where the court stressed the government’s in-court admission that Flynn “was not a member of the charged conspiracy.”

Then things got really good. Powell posited that prosecutor Brandon “Van Grack was determined that Mr. Flynn would testify in the Rafiekian case that he had knowingly signed a false FARA registration, even though Mr. Van Grack knew that was not true and Mr. Flynn had not agreed to that in the course of his plea agreement.” Yet, in a heated exchange, Powell wrote, Van Grack “claimed Mr. Flynn had agreed to plead to a knowing and intentional false FARA filing.”

Then came the boom: “In our endless document review, we now have a draft of the statement of offense that proves the contrary, showing similar language deleted,” Powell told the court. This proves extremely significant.

To explain: The Statement of Offense is the document a defendant—Flynn here—signs in pleading guilty to an offense and then later swears to the veracity of in court. The Statement of Offense summarizes the facts for the court to show they are sufficient to establish that the defendant has committed the charged offense.

The Statement of Offense filed in the criminal case against Flynn detailed the various false statements Flynn made to the FBI about his conversation with the Russian ambassador, the charge Flynn pleaded guilty to. Flynn stated that “in truth and in fact, however, Flynn then and there knew that the following had occurred…” The Statement of Offense then listed the content of Flynn’s actual conversations with the Russian ambassador.

In his Statement of Offense, Flynn also acknowledged that he had filed multiple documents with the Department of Justice pursuant to FARA “pertaining to a project performed by him and his company, the Flynn Intel Group, Inc. (‘FIG’), for the principal benefit of the Republic of Turkey (‘Turkey project’).” Flynn acknowledged that the FARA filings included “material false statements and omissions,” but significantly, he did not also attest to know “then and there” that the statements were false. In other words, Flynn never said in the statement of offense that he had knowingly filed false FARA documents.

Yet Van Grack insisted Flynn had admitting to knowingly filing false FARA statements and when Flynn refused to testify accordingly, Van Grack switched to treating him as a co-conspirator. But from Powell’s latest filing, we now know that similar language, i.e., “knowingly filed” or “knowing then or there,” was deleted from the original statement of offense!

If Van Grack was involved in drafting and revising the statement of offense, he should have known that Flynn took issue with attesting to knowingly filing false FARA statements. For Van Grack to demand Flynn testify he knowingly filed false FARA statements under these circumstances is troubling and suggests Powell was not using hyperbole when she charged Van Grack with “asking my client to lie.”

These facts also place Van Grack’s later moves in a bad light. First, as detailed above, he labelled Flynn a co-conspirator. Then his team “put Michael Flynn Jr. on the witness list for the Rafiekian trial,” and “had FBI Agent Taylor contact the latter directly, despite knowing he was represented by counsel.” The prosecution never ended up calling Flynn Jr., suggesting it was a scare tactic.

Here Powell reveals more details that support that conclusion. “The government told defense counsel in the summer of 2017 that it was going to indict the FARA case then, had obtained authorization to target Michael Flynn Jr.—who had a newborn—and had seized all his electronic devices,” Powell wrote. But no indictment came once Flynn Sr., pleaded guilty.

Powell also stressed that “the government did not indict the specious Rafiekian case until more than a year after the Flynn indictment—just a few days before Mr. Flynn was to be sentenced in this Court—when the government was concerned that Mr. Flynn would withdraw his plea.”

These facts reek of prosecutorial blackmail: Flynn Sr. better plead guilty or the government will charge his son with a FARA violation, even though there was no crime—as the Virginia district court concluded in the Rafiekian case. And, to make sure Flynn didn’t balk, the prosecutors showed they were serious by indicting Flynn’s FIG partner. Then, to further ensure his cooperation, they sought to have him testify under oath that he too committed a FARA offense.

But when Flynn refused to testify that he knowingly violated the FARA law, the government attempted to retaliate and further threaten Flynn, by naming him a co-conspirator and putting Flynn Jr. on the witness list and having an FBI agent contact the son. What possible purpose for this was there, other than intimidation?

Whether Judge Sullivan sees it that way won’t be known for some time. But Powell is steadily building the case that the charges against Flynn should be tossed for egregious prosecutorial misconduct, and she is doing it by highlighting facts revealed by her review of the limited record to which she has access. How much more could she expose if the court grants her motion to compel and directs the government to turn over the evidence it has withheld from Flynn’s defense team?


Four Pinocchios: Adam Schiff

'Four Pinocchios:' 

Does Schiff's Whistleblower Conduct and Lie Prove a Partisan Set-up?

'Four Pinocchios:' Does Adam Schiff's Whistleblower Conduct and Lie Prove a Partisan Set-up?
Republicans are turning up the heat on House Intelligence Committee Chairman Adam Schiff, a California Democrat known for his intense partisanship and recklessness.  Neither quality speaks well of his fitness for his current role, imbued with significant power.  A sober-minded member of Schiff's committee is calling on him to step down as chairman, while GOP leadership is pushing for him to be formally censured by the House.  Nancy Pelosi will see to it that neither rebuke amounts to anything, but she should be concerned about how compromised Schiff's credibility is, as he will be one of the most public faces of the impeachment process (such as it exists) as it moves forward.  On Wednesday, the New York Times revealed that the whistleblower in the Ukraine controversy reached out to Schiff's staff prior to filing his complaint days later:

The C.I.A. officer [future whistleblower] approached a House Intelligence Committee aide with his concerns about Mr. Trump only after he had had a colleague first convey them to the C.I.A.’s top lawyer. Concerned about how that initial avenue for airing his allegations through the C.I.A. was unfolding, the officer then approached the House aide. In both cases, the original accusation was vague. The House staff member, following the committee’s procedures, suggested the officer find a lawyer to advise him and meet with an inspector general, with whom he could file a whistle-blower complaint. The aide shared some of what the officer conveyed to Mr. Schiff. The aide did not share the whistle-blower’s identity with Mr. Schiff, an official said.

Some conservatives had deduced, based on various clues in Schiff's actions leading up to the Ukraine story exploding into public view, that the chairman at least been given a heads-up in advance about what was coming. Those suspicions have now been confirmed -- and I can't help but wonder if the details relayed in the paragraph above represent the full extent of his involvement. This was my initial reaction to the Times story:

I'd like to underscore the point about Trump and the substance of the allegation: On some level, all the process questions surrounding the whistleblower are moot because his core claims have been borne out by the facts.  The transcript of the phone call in question confirms that President Trump did specifically ask the Ukrainian government to investigate Joe Biden, and as the whistleblower complaint charged, White House officials did relocate the account of this call to a server reserved for secret and highly sensitive national security matters (though this may not have been sinister, and was not unprecedented).  I would add that reporting also confirms that Trump personally intervened to delay the payment of military aid to Kiev, temporarily overruling the unanimousadvice of his own foreign policy and national security team (although it must also be noted that we don't know why he did so, and that the Ukrainians apparently didn't know about the delay, which is hard to square with a clean and damning 'quid pro quo' timeline).

What Trump did is clear, and he's doubling down on it, even though it was fundamentally improper and an abuse of his power (a majority of Americans believe this, with a super-majority calling his actions a matter of "serious" concern).  How he went about it, as facts are gathered, could be the difference between condemnation-worthy misconduct and an impeachable offense.  The hullabaloo over Schiff, the whistleblower, secondhand knowledge, etc. is part of the story (as are the Biden conflicts of interest, to which we'll return later), but those ancillary issues do not supplant the core questions about presidential conduct at the heart of the story.  I disagree with some Trump defenders who say the president's actions are so harmless and irrelevant that the secondary and tertiary questions around this storm have become the 'real' story.  Polling unambiguously demonstrates that voters do not agree that this is a nothingburger on Trump's end (unlike the Australia dud).

With that said, back to Schiff.  He has been an irresponsible and untrustworthy figure throughout the Trump presidency, constantly over-promising on Russian 'collusion,' and foolishly refusing to back down even when the Mueller report pantsed him.  His little stunt at a recent House Intelligence Committee hearing, in which he twisted the Trump-Zelensky transcript into his own, exaggerated "parody" version, was unserious and profoundly unwise. And his staff's apparent involvement with the whistleblower prior to a formal complaint being issued does give the appearance of a partisan set-up.  But was it?

I'll reiterate that I have doubts about whether the Times-reported sequence represents the full extent of what happened, but based on the evidence we have, Schiff and his office appear to have handled at least this portion of the drama by the book.  I do wonder why the whistleblower only approached Chairman Schiff, as opposed to Chairman Burr, whose Senate committee has been far more professional and nonpartisan in its work than its Schiff-led House counterpart; recall that the IG flagged indications that the whistleblower did have a political motivation, and therefore may have felt more comfortable approaching the staff of a fellow Trump opponent.  Then again, if Schiff played by the rules here, why tap dance and mislead the public about it?

Is he apologetic about his choice to mislead (which looks incriminating), or is he spinning?  It seems like Schiffworld can't decide which approach to adopt, which -- once again -- highlights the problem with Schiff: He is not to be trusted or taken seriously (Update: Schiff has been awarded 'Four Pinocchios' from the Washington Post's fact checker for this slippery, mendacious performance).  Trust and seriousness are important characteristics for any leader who is a top figure in a process as somber and consequential as removing a duly-elected president from office.  In short, while Nancy Pelosi will refuse to allow GOP sniping to take down her influential chairman, his continued service in that capacity is a gift to the president and his defenders:
I'll leave you with this, on Biden:

“The Democrats are Covering Up Corruption, Massive Corruption”



Rudy Giuliani appears on Fox News to discuss the overall Ukraine issue.  Giuliani emphasizes that his investigation was directed toward conduct in 2016, *not* directed toward anything related to the 2020 election.  Mr. Giuliani is a man on a mission. 


Why Are They Attacking Barr?

Turley, CNN: 

Why Are Dems And The Media Attacking Barr For Doing His Job?

Oh, we all know why. It’s still good to see some acknowledgment of the strategy on mainstream media sites. Writing at The Hill, liberal legal analyst Jonathan Turley scolds Democrats and media outlets for attacking Attorney General William Barr needlessly on their Shermanesque march to the Impeachment Sea:
With all of the breathless headlines of the last two weeks, it is astonishing that the entire city of Washington is not swooning from hypoxia. Much of the media have blasted out the news that Attorney General William Barr is “implicated” in the Ukraine scandal, after sources said he pressed leaders in Australia, Italy and England to supply evidence about the origins of the Russia investigation. Esquire Magazine was a tad more descriptive, proclaiming Barr was now “far up s–t creek” because of his calls.

Yet not only is there a valid reason for such calls, but they could indicate that the creek could become a storm of sorts for Democrats over the coming weeks. The calls made by Barr were reportedly linked to the ongoing investigation by United States Attorney John Durham into the origins of the Russia investigation. It is not uncommon for an attorney general, or even a president, to ask foreign leaders to assist with ongoing investigations. Such calls can shortcut bureaucratic red tape, particularly if the evidence is held, as in this case, by national security or justice officials. A call to request assistance for the Durham investigation would “implicate” Barr in nothing other than an official investigation. …

However, many of the very same figures in Congress and in the media who previously called for full disclosure of every aspect of the Russia investigation are now criticizing the effort to gather evidence in the Durham investigation. It appears the public “right to know” does not extend that far. The reason is that a key report by Durham likely would come at a most importune time in advance of the 2020 election.

Democrats already are moving to impeach Trump on the Ukraine matter. House Speaker Nancy Pelosi and others have told fellow Democrats to focus on Ukraine instead of on Russia conspiracy or obstruction, which led to more than two years of investigation. One reason for this is that Trump would be able to call his own witnesses during a Senate trial, particularly with a Republican majority dictating the rules. If the Russia investigation winds up as part of an impeachment trial, then Trump would be able to use these reports and earlier disclosures to place the conduct of the Obama administration under the spotlight before the public.

While Turley largely leaves the final dot unconnected, it’s impossible to miss his point. In order to keep the Durham and Horowitz investigations from playing any role in either the 2020 elections or a potential impeachment trial, Democrats need to discredit the man in titular charge of both. Hence the attacks on Barr over Ukraine-Gate, even though Barr has no connection to that scandal at all — not even an investigatory role, which properly belongs with Congress.

CNN’s legal commentator James Schultz, who worked for Trump’s Office of White House Counsel early on, adds his voice to the why-Barr chorus:
The reality is that anyone within Trump’s orbit who isn’t willing to deliver the goods on the President, or who stands in the Democrats’ way in their rush to judgment, is a target. Trump’s opponents would like Barr to help them make a case against the President, regardless of whether or not such a case exists.
But Barr won’t cooperate, and it’s driving Democrats to distraction. Instead, the attorney general is doing his job. … If mentioning the attorney general’s name in a conversation with a foreign leader is reason for recusal, Barr and all future attorneys general won’t have much to do.

In my column at The Week, I argue that Democrats are attempting to derail anything that upends their narrative about Trump ahead of their quixotic impeachment effort. William Barr stands in their way, and that’s enough:
Democrats are taking aim at Barr over investigations that do fall within the DOJ’s purview. Barr’s department has two parallel probes into the beginnings of the FBI investigation into Russian interference in the 2016 election which later became the Mueller special-counsel probe. Inspector general Michael Horowitz is expected to release a public report on his findings this month; U.S. Attorney John Durham has worked in parallel with Horowitz to review intelligence and determine whether any prosecutions might be warranted.
As part of his responsibilities as attorney general, Barr has facilitated both internal investigations by coordinating with other governments where necessary. That includes contacts reported this week with Italy to assist cooperation regarding an assessment of Maltese figure Joseph Mifsud, “a key figure in the events that triggered the Russia probe,” as Reuters notes. Barr also coordinated with Australia, whose ambassador first reported comments allegedly made by Trump campaign adviser George Papadopoulos. Barr has also connected with British intelligence services for their cooperation as part of his support of the two probes.
It is hardly unusual for a cabinet official to be part of efforts to secure international cooperation for their underlings, especially when it comes to sensitive internal investigations touching on issues of abuse of power and the politicization of intelligence. The attacks on Barr, however, are intended to either disqualify him entirely from the processes, which are likely too far along to impact at this point, or to discredit whatever they produce with the public.
As former federal prosecutor Andrew C. McCarthy wrote on Wednesday, the motives behind these attacks are transparently political. “The hope is that this will delegitimize not only any information that emerges from Ukraine,” McCarthy writes, “but the whole of the Justice Department’s investigation of intelligence and law-enforcement abuses of power attendant to the 2016 election.” The two parallel probes into “questionable Justice Department and FBI conduct” long preceded the Zelensky call, and are focused on whether and how many people in both organizations actually did “go rogue” in 2016.

Just how far Democrats will stretch to go after Barr was made apparent in a Wall Street Journal report on Tuesday evening. Not only was Barr not part of Trump’s efforts on Ukraine, he’s no fan of Rudy Giuliani and his connection to Trump either:
Attorney General William Barr called President Trump in April with a question: What was Rudy Giuliani doing?
Mr. Trump had just avoided criminal charges with the release of former special counsel Robert Mueller’s report on Russian electoral interference. But Mr. Giuliani was on television attacking former White House counsel Don McGahn, a longtime friend of the attorney general who had testified to investigators about some of the most notable incidents in the report, including Mr. Trump’s efforts to seek Mr. Mueller’s dismissal.
Why, Mr. Barr wanted to know, was the president’s private lawyer making a spectacle of himself rather than declaring victory in the Mueller investigation and moving on, according to a person who paraphrased the conversation. Mr. Barr wanted the president to tell Mr. Giuliani, in effect, to knock it off.

Barr also had a similar reaction to being lumped in with Giuliani on the Zelensky call:
Mr. Barr was surprised and angry to discover weeks later that the president had lumped him together with Mr. Giuliani on the phone call with Mr. Zelensky, according to a person familiar with the matter. The Justice Department said Mr. Trump never asked Mr. Barr to contact the Ukrainians. …
The Justice Department initially blocked the complaint from being turned over to Congress, advising the director of national intelligence in early September that it didn’t constitute an urgent concern that required reporting to the intelligence committees. Justice Department lawyers then said they didn’t find enough evidence to warrant opening a criminal investigation into possible campaign-finance violations.
Mr. Barr didn’t believe it was necessary to recuse himself from deliberations given that he didn’t know until later that the president had invoked his name on the call, but nonetheless didn’t oversee the review, an official said.

Democrats don’t really care, however. They see the Horowitz and Durham investigations as dangerous to their narratives and Barr as the main target to discredit them both. It’s so transparent, though, that even friendly mainstream media outlets are beginning to take notice of it, which is not a good sign for Democrats.